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cept the Scottish plantation in the north, is a scene of misery and desolation hardly to be matched on this side of Lapland." In other words, England was undoing the work of her own hands. Having by iniquitous confiscations established a strong English colony in Ireland for the securing of English power there, she was now to gratify the greed of her merchants and office seekers by deliberately destroying it.

In the interests of that colony, and as he insists again and again, in the interests of England herself, Swift fiercely protested against this madness and meanness. His first protest was the proposal to boy cott English clothing and furniture. This was published in 1720. The Government prosecuted the printer and publisher. At that time the Irish Bench was filled by the riff raff of the English Bar, and the judges held their offices at pleasure, so the Government could always rely on their support. The jury who heard the charge against the printer and publisher acquitted them. Chief Justice Whitshed refused to accept the verdict. Nine times he sent them back to reconsider it every time they returned with the same verdict. At last, somewhere near midnight, they were induced to return a special verdict-that is, to find the facts, and leave it to the court to decide whether the defendants were or were not guilty. But it was felt that the Chief Justice had overstepped the wide limit of subservice to the

Government accorded to all Irish judges. The consideration of the special judgment was postponed from session to session, and at last the Crown entered a nolle prosequi-but according to Swift, only when one of the defendants was dead and both were ruined. Every one knew Swift was the writer of the pamphlet, but the Government feared to tackle so formidable a fighter.

This pamphlet was followed in 1724 by the famous 'Drapier Letters.' Nothing Swift ever wrote showed better his genius for popular controversy. The only objection to the patent granted to Wood to coin copper money for Ireland was that it was a gross job. Swift paid no attention to this: the Irish people were used to jobs: in fact the Government of Ireland was government by jobbery; so they were not likely to be moved by that consideration. But the "true English people of Ireland" had a vivid recollection of the brass money issued by King James in the hope of filling his empty exchequer during the civil war in Ireland in 1689. Every Twelfth of July the Society of Aldermen of Skinner's Alley drank perdition to King James and his brass money and wooden shoes, by the last of which they meant his French allies. Swift seized on that point. Wood's ha'pence would not be intrinsically worth their face value; they were therefore base coin, and every body who was forced to accept them would be swindled. The

memory of the the Protestant After his death he became populace went back to the also the hero of the Celtio brass money of King James, Irish, as the first and greatest and they refused with fury of Irish Nationalists. I wonder to have forced on them the how they would like his sort copper money of Wood. of Nationalism to-day.

On a false issue Swift won a true victory for Ireland. The English exploitation of the country received from him its first set-back. And when he had won his victory he practically abandoned his false issue. In the seventh letter, which was not published until the heat

With the exception of that amazing work, The Travels of Lemuel Gulliver,' which was begun in 1720 and published in 1726-27, Swift, after the 'Drapier Letters,' wrote practically nothing about anything save Ireland. At first he had written as much in 1 of the contest was the interests of England 1 as past, he explains his real of "the true English people objects; and these included of Ireland," but as his nature not merely the rejection of was, he gradually grew to Wood's pence and the estab- hate the object he opposed, lishment of a national mint, and that object was the but the civilisation of the English people. This is the native Irish, the encourage- reason, I suggest, why the ment of manufactures, the tablet now appears on the wall stoppage of the pernicious standing near the site of his practice of turning agrioul- birthplace in Dublin. tural into grazing land, and the planting of forest trees, of which the country was then being denuded, to produce charcoal for iron-smelting. If his proposals had been carried out, Ireland to-day would be a very different country in population, character, and even climate.

"The true English people of Ireland" were almost all Whigs of the Whigs. When Swift, the Tory champion, came to reside among them, the Dublin mob hooted and howled at him. Now he had become their hero, and such he remained till his dying day.

While he was winning in public all these triumphs as a patriot and a man of the highest literary genius, in private his life was sinking into abject misery. I have spoken of his third love affair. The heroine of it was Hester van Homrigh, surnamed by him (as his wont was) Vanessa. He had met her before he became Dean of St Patrick's, when she was his neighbour in Bury Street, St James's. When he returned to London after being enthroned dean, he renewed the acquaintance, which developed into a flirtation on his side and into an

1 In his letter giving an account of his interview with Walpole in 1726, he says, "My principal design was to set him right, not only for the service of Ireland, but likewise of England."

cept the Scottish plantation in the north, is a scene of misery and desolation hardly to be matched on this side of Lapland." In other words, England was undoing the work of her own hands. Having by iniquitous confiscations established a strong English colony in Ireland for the securing of English power there, she was now to gratify the greed of her merchants and office - seekers by deliberately destroying it.

In the interests of that colony, and as he insists again and again, in the interests of England herself, Swift fiercely protested against this madness and meanness. His first protest was the proposal to boycott English clothing and furniture. This was published in 1720. The Government presecuted the printer and publisher. At that time the Irish Bench was filled by the riffraff of the English Bar, and the judges held their offices at pleasure, so the Government could always rely on their support. The jury who heard the charge against the printer and publisher acquitted them. Chief Justice Whitshed refused to accept the verdict. Nine

times he sent them back to reconsider it every time they returned with the same verdiot. At last, somewhere near midnight, they were induced to return a special verdict-that is, to find the facts, and leave it to the court to decide whether the defendants were or were not guilty. But it was felt that the Chief Justice had overstepped the wide limit of subservice to the

Government accorded to all Irish judges. The consideration of the special judgment was postponed from session to session, and at last the Crown entered a nolle prosequi-but according to Swift, only when one of the defendants was dead and both were ruined. Every one knew Swift was the writer of the pamphlet, but the Government feared to tackle so formidable a fighter.

This pamphlet was followed in 1724 by the famous 'Drapier Letters.' Nothing Swift ever wrote showed better his genius for popular controversy. The only objection to the patent granted to to Wood to coin copper money for Ireland was that it was a gross job. Swift paid no attention to this: the Irish people were used to jobs: in fact the Government of Ireland was government by jobbery; so they were not likely to be moved by that consideration. But the "true English people of Ireland" had a vivid recollection of the brass money issued by King James in the hope of filling his empty exchequer during the oivil war in Ireland in 1689. Every Twelfth of July the Society of Aldermen of Skinner's Alley drank perdition to King James and his brass money and wooden shoes, by the last of which they meant his French allies. Swift seized on that point. Wood's ha'pence would not be intrinsically worth their face value; they were therefore base coin, and everybody who was forced to accept them would be swindled, The

memory of the
populace went back to the
brass money of King James,
and they refused with fury
to have forced on them the
copper money of Wood.

the Protestant After his death he became also the hero of the Celtio Irish, as the first and greatest of Irish Nationalists. I wonder how they would like his sort of Nationalism to-day.

On a false issue Swift won a true victory for Ireland. The English exploitation of the country received from him its first set-back. And when he had won his victory he practically abandoned his false issue. In the seventh letter, which was not published until the heat of the contest was past, he explains his real objects; and these included not merely the rejection of Wood's pence and the establishment of a national mint, but the civilisation of the native Irish, the encouragement of manufactures, the stoppage of the pernicious practice of turning agricultural into grazing land, and the planting of forest trees, of which the country was then being denuded, to produce charcoal for iron-smelting. If his proposals had been carried out, Ireland to-day would be a very different country in population, character, and even climate.

"The true English people of Ireland" were almost all Whigs of the Whigs. When Swift, the Tory champion, came to reside among them, the Dublin mob hooted and howled at him. Now he had become their hero, and such he remained till his dying day.

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With the exception of that amazing work, The Travels of Lemuel Gulliver,' which was begun in 1720 and published in 1726-27, Swift, after the 'Drapier Letters,' wrote practically nothing about anything save Ireland. At first he had written as much in the interests of England1 as of "the true English people of Ireland," but as his nature was, he gradually grew to hate the object he opposed, and that object was the English people. This is the reason, I suggest, why the tablet now appears on the wall standing near the site of his birthplace in Dublin.

While he was winning in public all these triumphs as a patriot and a man of the highest literary genius, in private his life was sinking into abject misery. I have spoken of his third love affair. The heroine of it was Hester van Homrigh, surnamed by him (as his wont was) Vanessa. He had met her before he became Dean of St Patrick's, when she was his neighbour in Bury Street, St James's. When he returned to London after being enthroned dean, he renewed the acquaintance, which developed into a flirtation on his side and into an

1 In his letter giving an account of his interview with Walpole in 1726, he says, "My principal design was to set him right, not only for the service of Ireland, but likewise of England.”

cept the Scottish plantation in the north, is a scene of misery and desolation hardly to be matched on this side of Lapland." In other words, England was undoing the work of her own hands. Having by iniquitous confiscations established a strong English colony in Ireland for the securing of English power there, she was now to gratify the greed of her merchants and office - seekers by deliberately destroying it.

In the interests of that colony, and as he insists again and again, in the interests of England herself, Swift fiercely protested against this madness and meanness. His first protest was the proposal to boycott English clothing and furniture. This was published in 1720. The Government presecuted the printer and publisher. At that time the Irish Bench was filled by the riffraff of the English Bar, and the judges held their offices at pleasure, so the Government could always rely on their support. The jury who heard the charge against the printer and publisher acquitted them. Chief Justice Whitshed refused to accept the verdict. Nine times he sent them back to reconsider it every time they returned with the same verdict. At last, somewhere near midnight, they were induced to return a special verdiot-that is, to find the facts, and leave it to the court to decide whether the defendants were or were not guilty. But it was felt that the Chief Justice had overstepped the wide limit of subservice to the

Government accorded to all Irish judges. The consideration of the special judgment was postponed from session to session, and at last the Crown entered a nolle prosequi-but according to Swift, only when one of the defendants was dead and both were ruined. Every one knew Swift was the writer of the pamphlet, but the Government feared to tackle so formidable a fighter.

This pamphlet was followed in 1724 by the famous 'Drapier Letters.' Nothing Swift ever wrote showed better his genius for popular controversy. The only objection to the patent granted to Wood to coin copper money for Ireland was that it was a gross job. Swift paid no attention to this: the Irish people were used to jobs: in fact the Government of Ireland was government by jobbery; so they were not likely to be moved by that consideration. But the "true English people of Ireland” had a vivid recollection of the brass money issued by King James in the hope of filling his empty exehequer during the civil war in Ireland in 1689. Every Twelfth of July the Society of Aldermen of Skinner's Alley drank perdition to King James and his brass money and wooden shoes, by the last of which they meant his French allies.

Swift seized on that point. Wood's ha'penee would not be intrinsically worth their face value; they were therefore base coin, and everybody who was forced to accept them would be swindled. The

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