But who has no enemies, thus oppression exercised by Mr forgets the sense of responsi- Gandhi. Nor, indeed, would bility. The posters, moreover, Mr Montagu's anti- British issued by the rebels, who (says sentiments be worth the conthe Hunter report) were not sideration we have given to engaged in any conspiracy, them did not a sinister rumour proclaim aloud the influence reach us that Mr Montagu of Mr Montagu's friend. aspires to succeed Lord Chelms"Conquer the English monkeys ford as Viceroy of India. Were with bravery!" Thus say the we governed by any better posters. "God will grant vio- men than the gamblers now tory. Leave off dealings with in power, we should reject the Englishmen. Close offices the rumour as absurd. and workshops. Fight on. we have as little faith in This is the command of Mahatma Gandhi: Get ready soon for the war, and God will grant victory to India very soon, Fight with enthusiasm, and enlist yourselves in the Gandha army." Is this a rebellion, which "might have rapidly developed into a revolution," to use the words of the Hunter report, or is it merely what Mr Montagu calls "legitimate political agitation"? We do not know; but we do not forget that Mr Gandhi is Mr Montagu's friend. Noscitur a sociis, and with the simple faot of this friendship in our memory, we need not be surprised at Mr Montagu's shameful speech. Its conclusion matched its beginning. He repeated, as though there was no more to be said, that "two theories of govern. ment were held-the one of terrorism and oppression, the other of entering into partnership with the people governed." Again it may be pointed out that the theory of terrorism is not held by any sane man, and that Mr Montagu himself does not deprecate very loudly the VOL, CCVIII.-NO. MCCLVIII. the wisdom as in the patriot- 8 As our Government in India and Ireland openly expresses a tolerance of anarchy, it is not surprising to find that the Trade Unions also are following an evil example. The Trade Unions were established, an imperium in imperio, to guard the interests of the workers. They have long been dissatisfied with playing that simple role, and now aspire to rule the whole country by intimidation, or, as they call it, by direct action. Their leaders are not renowned for clear thinking; but even they, it might be supposed, would grant to England what they demand 88 8 right for all other countries, great and small, the privilege of self-determination. Not a bit of it! England may believe that she lives under constitutional monarchy, that her House of Commons is duly elected by something which closely resembles universal suffrage. But the Trade Unions know better. They clamoured loudly enough for the vote, and now that they have got it, they think nothing of it. If they cannot get what they want at once, they will do their best to wreck the country. Petulantly they ory aloud for "direet action," and should they not be given what they want, they declare that they will bring to an end all the commerce and all the industry of Great Britain. The manifest inconsistency of their position troubles them not a jot. Though their mouth is full of the praises of demooracy, they aspire to exercise the power of a tyrant. They are not satisfied with record ing their votes at election time, though their immense majority might make them supreme. They will be dictators or nothing, and wee betide the government that interrupts for an hour the praetical expression of their will. Moreover, like all the halfbaked, they are happiest when they are talking of what they do not understand. They delight in savage platitudes. They pretend, with the facile ignorance of a debating society, that they alone can solve the difficult problems which confront us. If they spoke about the workshop or the corn-field with a humble sincerity, they might be worth listening to. They persist in discussing what is beyond their power of comprehension and administration. They have not learned the first lesson which modesty inculoates, that the cobbler should stick to his last. So the leaders of the Trade Unions have met in conclave, and, forgetting for a while the materialism of ever-rising wages, they have decided that no longer shall England know the joy of self-determination. The Constitution of Great Britain is hereby suspended by a card vote. It would be ridiculous if there were not in it an element of tragedy. The Labour Party, we are told, aspires to the government of England, and it still refuses to play the game of politics fairly and squarely. It is not content to exercise its right of oriticism; it threatens to hold up the country, as in old days the highwayman held up the unfortunate traveller whom he happened to meet on the road. But what is sauce for the goose is sauce also for the gander, and we wonder what the Labour Party will do, when it has come into power, if the whole middle class decides upon an instant reprisal. Though the railwaymen and the miners are not of one mind as to the course that should be pursued, they are both fierce against the Government. Mr Cramp, of the railwaymen, posed for the moment as an apostle of moderation. Like a good many others, he is not satisfied with the state of Ireland. He deplores on the one hand the British Government's denial to recognise the claim of the Irish people, expressed in a constitutional way for many years. On the other hand, he condemns the British Government for its failure to deal with those who have defied law and order, and supported open rebellion. To find Mr Cramp on the side of law and order is strange indeed, and he does not stay there very long. For he immediately proceeds to suggest that the Irish should use their power and influence to stop all murder and outrage, and that the Government should withdraw its army of Occupation. Were the British Army withdrawn there would be precious little law or order for any body, and we would not give much for the chances of the Irish Parliament, "with full dominion powers in all Irish affairs, with adequate protection for minorities," which should be opened forthwith. There is nothing startling about Mr Cramp's resolution. What we are all willing to concede is an Irish Parliament, with power over Irish affairs and with due protection of minorities. But as the Irish won't accept the boon, Mr Cramp might just as well save his breath to cool his porridge. Nor was his moderation kindly accepted by his audience. The miners, made of sterner stuff than the railwaymen, are not willing to apportion the blame between the two parties, and to demand a concession from each. With Mr Smillie, the hardy International's eye upon them, they listened with fervour to Mr Hodges' resolution. That humane gentleman moved triumphantly "that this Congress protests against the British military domination of Ireland, and demands the withdrawal of all British troops from that country, and demands the cessation of the production of munitions of war destined to be used against Ireland and Russia; and, in case the Government refuses these demands, we recommend a general down-tools policy, and call on all the trade unions here represented to carry out this policy, each according to its own constitution, by taking a ballot of its members or otherwise." It will be seen that Mr Hodges does not ask that the Irish should cease from murder and outrage. There he differs from Mr Cramp. Doubtless the slaughter of policemen is indifferent to him, and perhaps so strong that one cor stand upright againet we saw that the Rolli heading towards the wall of cliffs-evident! ing, as we had expect would do, for Tana Fi was some hours be made the opening, a then the sea was almost as outside. The fiord v haps two miles wide, " wind rushed down it a funnel. We went up and farther until Grey parently decided that he h gone far enough, for the oh showed that the fiord narrow and it would be impossible the Rollicker, with the UN astern of her, to turn rote and come out of a narr place. Having arrived at open stretch, the Rolli therefore proceeded to tow round and round in cir uttering plaintive screams her whistle, presumably f pilot, though the place look so desolate that one w have thought it incredible I human beings could live t This process went on for s hours, for the water in fiords is hundreds of fath deep right up to the edge of the cliffs, and t was no possibility of and ing. Eventually, to our sur we saw an open boat, evid with a powerful motor, m her way out towards us. The wind was still blo with hurricane force an seas were mountainous, was some time before the wonderfully handled she was, could get might be asked to explain Herr Stinnes's immunity from arrest. But it is hardly worth while to demand explanations from Mr George's shadow, and we must content ourselves with remembering that the body of an international financier is always sacred. of the Treaty of Versailles. And then, to prove that the mutability of the chameleon is immutable, he let loose upon the Conference the ineffable Hugo Stinnes. Now, Hugo Stinnes is, we believe, a gentleman of the Jewish race. He is reported to be enormously wealthy, to own some sixty However, it must be acnewspapers, and to dominate knowledged that when Herr the industries of Germany. He Stinnes did get into the Conis therefore worthy the respect ference, he made the best use of all honest Radicals, who, of his opportunity. His openhowever much they dislike the ing words were a proper prearistocracy of blood, are acutely lude of the insolence to follow. sensitive to the aristocracy of "I rise because I want to look the pocket. Moreover, Hugo everybody in the face. M. Stinnes, we are told, is the Millerand said yesterday that head of a gang of international the Germans were granted financiers, whose sole ambition the right to speak as a matter is to set Germany on its legs of courtesy. I claim to speak again, that they may enrich as a matter of right, and whothemselves with German trade. ever is not afflicted with the And so "the great industrial," disease of viotory..." Here in defiance of honour and good Herr Stinnes's impudence was sense, was given a hearing. interrupted by M. Delacroix, Truly he deserved a very who advised the Boche magnate different treatment. Of the not to be provocative. The war criminals he is among Boche, of course, was unthe worst. As Sir Valentine ashamed, and continued to Chirol has said, it is admitted mingle truculence with cunin Germany that Herr Stinnes ning, after the habit of his "was largely responsible for kind. He did not dispute the the oruel deportation of Belgian gravity of the situation in workers into German factories, France, and was amiable and for the wholesale plunder- enough to say that, though ing and destruction of French the Treaty of Versailles was and Belgian workshops during forced upon Germany, every the war." Plainly, then, Herr German employer and every Stinnes should have been ar- German workman must rested as soon as ever he set help the French. It is true foot upon Belgian soil, and that the Treaty of Versailles invited to stand, not as 8 was forced upon the Germans diotator in the presence of the by defeat; it is true also, Allied Ministers, but in the though Herr Stinnes seems to dook. If there were any pros- forget it, that the Germans pect of obtaining a candid signed that treaty, and that answer from Mr Bonar Law, they are bound in honour to that skilful evader of questions carry out its provisions. He |
