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The House remained face to face with | Act where a Commission was refused this-it did not please Her Majesty's analogous to the case before the House. Government to issue a Writ. Why not? He would have to go back to a time In the existing state of the House a before the Corrupt Practices Act, when matter of this kind was of no great im- there was no power to inquire into the portance; but they must consider the condition or conduct of a constituency to rights of the constituencies. There were find a case where the House had refused great matters daily and almost hourly to issue a Writ. When the Corrupt coming before the House, and the con- Practices Act was passed, the right of a stituency of Wigan had as clear a right constituency was not placed at the to representation, whether the Repre- caprice of a Party. It was taken out sentative belonged to the majority or of the hands of the House, and remitted the minority, as any other constituency in the first instance to an authorized trirepresented in the House. What would bunal. He would ask the hon. and be the effect if this were to be carried learned Attorney General where was on? It would be in the power of the his precedent since the Corrupt Practices Government to suspend the rights of Act was passed, after a Commission had many a constituency. Let them see how been refused for a detention of a Writ the matter stood. Last Session the sub- for over 12 months, as in this case? He ject came before the House, and the asked him, further, how was it possible Resolution which was proposed by the for him to escape from the precedent he Attorney General was rejected, not by a himself set in the Stroud case, where Party majority. He would read what the House refused to suspend the Writ was said by the hon. Member for Bolton for three or four days even for the evi(Mr. J. K. Cross). That hon. Member dence to be placed on the Table? The saidAttorney General then said it was perfectly useless, and that no further step should be taken; and, therefore, they ought not to do any indirect injustice to the constituency, and he would be no party to it. The Attorney General by his own act, and the House by its own act, had renounced the intention of issuing a Commission, and they had now only the will of the Government and the will of the Attorney General, who thought, probably, that Wigan had not been punished enough. No doubt that was his opinion; probably many others might think it was 80. This case was a miserable case. Learned Judges could make mistakes, and they did so in the case of Knaresborough. The Judges in that case made a grievous mistake, for there was not the smallest ground for the slur on the constituency contained in their Report; and, therefore, it was allowed to go scot - free. He would appeal to independent Members opposite, and ask them if they were going to vote against this Writ because it might produce an increase in the Party minority of one? He did not know how the result might be; but this he would say, that there existed the gravest reason why Members of the House should not vote in a Party sense in a matter like this. He thought Election Petitions were given up in order to extract altogether from the domain of

"I must say that in the sense of Southern corruption, the borough of Wigan is perfectly pure. I live within seven miles of the place, and I know it perfectly well. The people are rough and ready, and a great many of them are colliers, who are certainly a dog-running,pigeonflying, cock-fighting, Church-and-King lot, who always vote Tory."-[3 Hansard, cclxv. 508] Well, no doubt, in the mind of the hon. and learned Attorney General, that was the chief fault-that they were a dogfighting, pigeon - flying, Church-andKing-loving lot. What he asked the House to consider was what grounds were presented for depriving the constituency of Wigan of the right to be represented by two Members in the House. He supposed they would draw from the Attorney General whether he had made up his mind on the subject of an Address to the Crown for a Commission. Most likely he had not changed his mind, and the House had not changed its mind. That being so, the House had no proper function to discharge in connection with the suspension of the Writ. He quite admitted that before the Corrupt Practices Act was passed, when it became competent to the Crown to issue a Commission, it was customary for the House to exercise a kind of peremptory action on the constituency by suspending the Writ; but he challenged the hon. and learned Attorney General to find a single case since the Corrupt Practices

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opinion the action of the House in elec- | Party reasons, and he regretted that he tion matters; but now he supposed they should have suggested that the Govern were going to be appealed to by the ment were opposed to the issuing of the Attorney General to punish this borough. Writ because it might give one vote If that was the appeal he made, that 12 against them in the House. He would, months' privation was not sufficient, he however, suggest to the House this consi(Mr. Lewis) would ask the House to deration-that he believed that the House consider what was the nature of the made a mistake last Session in refusing case provided. He challenged the At- a Commission; and all they could do torney General to show that there was now was to remedy as far as possible anything more than a few pounds proved the mistake that had been made. to have been received. When the House would allow him to remind them House was asked to issue a Commission, of the position in which they stood. there was a majority against it. If it When the Act of 1868 gave power to was said that the House exceeded its the Judges to determine Election Petiright last year, he was unable to under- tions, it also gave them power to say stand how it was the Act of Parliament whether corrupt practices extensively did not call upon the Attorney General prevailed; and it would be at once seen to do, as an Executive Officer, a par- by the House that it would be imposticular thing outside the Office, but re-sible for the House to go beyond the dequired that he should appeal to the deliberate action of the House as to whether it should or should not appoint a Commission. He contended that the action of the House was more Judicial than Ministerial. There must be something meant in the deliberate action of the House of Lords and House of Commons being called into operation under the Statute. If that was not so, the hon. and learned Attorney General was placed in this difficulty, that the House of Commons had refused to do that which by law it ought to have done. If that were so, surely the power of the Attorney General was sufficient to point out to the House what it should do now. Whatever the case might be in reference to that, the hon. and learned Attorney General was wholly unable to point out to the House any precedent or usage for refusing to issue a Writ for Wigan, and the House had no legitimate right whatever for interfering with the right of the constituency. The hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the Resolution of which he had given Notice.

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That Mr. Speaker do issue his Warrant to the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery to make out a new Writ for the election of a Member to serve in this present Parliament for the Borough of Wigan, in the room of Francis Sharp Powell, esquire, whose election has been declared to be void."-(Mr. Lewis.)

THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (Sir HENRY JAMES) said, he was sure the hon. Member for Londonderry (Mr. Lewis) would not have taken up the time of the House as he had done for any

cision of the Judges, and inquire into the correctness of their decision. In the year 1869 it was suggested by Mr. Gathorne Hardy that it would be for the general good that where the decision of the Judges showed that corrupt practices extensively prevailed, a Commission should issue in consequence of that Report. That rule was accepted by both sides of the House, and it had been followed ever since; and it was never deviated from until the unfortunate vote of last Session. He must say he felt some little blame attached to him in the matter; and the hon. Member for Cavan (Mr. Biggar) pointed it out at the time. He did not go very fully into the facts of the case. He referred to the general rule; and he thought that wrong arguments were brought to bear on the House, in order to set aside the rule which had been so long acted on. One was that of the hon. Member for Bolton (Mr. J. K. Cross), who argued that as the constituency was one of very peculiar habits it should be exempted from the ordinary practice. He presumed that the argument prevailed. At any rate, the House, by a narrow majority, refused the Motion for a Commission; and the question now was, what were they to do in consequence of that decision? The Report of the Judges was that corrupt practices extensively prevailed.

MR. LEWIS begged the hon. and learned Gentleman's pardon; that was not the Report.

THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (Sir HENRY JAMES) said, that a Report that

corrupt practices prevailed, or that the Judges had reason to believe that they prevailed, had exactly the same effect. There was no difference between the two, except in the hon. Gentleman's view, in the spirit in which he was discussing the matter. The learned Judge gave his judgment, not, as had been said, that there was a small amount of treating, but that there was a deplorable condition of things in the borough of Wigan, one witness proving extensive bribery of 150 voters in one room alone in one public-house. Another witness spoke of 20 persons being bribed; and the result was that the learned Judge, at page 220 of the Report, proceeded to deal with this as one of the gravest cases of corruption, and thought it to be a rare thing if the electors did not receive money for their votes. The House had now to deal with such a Report in such a state of things. The House thought it wise in August last that there should not be a Commission. If they were now to grant a Writ they would be giving great encouragement to corruption. He confessed that it was an inconvenient position to be placed in, because he admitted that the consequence of the Report should have been the issuing of a Commission; but they had deviated from the rule laid down. Ought they to make two mistakes instead of one; or ought they rather to do the best they could in order to remedy the mistake already made? The hon. Member challenged him to give a precedent for the course he (the Attorney General) had taken in suspending the Writ. The hon. Member knew there was no precedent. And why? Because the House had never before arrived at such a vote as that of August last. It always issued a Commission till that time; and this was a case in which a Commission ought to have been issued. He submitted to the House that the House ought to exercise its judgment. He was sorry to see the House placed in this position; but, being placed in that position, it was the duty of the House to treat cases as they arose. It would have been far better to let the Judges' Report have its proper result. The House had sufficient before them on which to act. If there had been a Commission, they would have been able to treat all the constituencies alike. Although a Commission had not issued,

VOL. CCLXVIII. (THIRD SERIES.]

the House knew this was a case of considerable gravity. He had not thought it right to include Wigan in the Disfranchisement Bill, as he considered that disfranchisement ought only to be proposed upon such certain information as could be supplied by a Commission. What course ought the House to take? The hon. Member for Londonderry professed to be very anxious on behalf of the electors of Wigan that a Writ should issue; but the electors themselves had made no such demand to the House. Wigan was represented by his hon. Friend the sitting Member for Wigan, and it had able Representatives in the Members for the county of Lancaster. These Members had made no such demand. He could not help feeling that, considering the Report of the learned Judge, the suspension of the Writ should continue for some time longer, for the purpose of showing that the House entirely disapproved of the electoral corruption of Wigan. For this there was a precedent in the case of Gloucester in 1859. At the election which took place there that year it was reported that corruption extensively prevailed; but no step was taken for the issue of a new Writ for Gloucester till 1862, when Mr. Disraeli pointed out that the time had come when the Writ should be no longer delayed. A Writ was then moved for. He was acting within that period now. With reference to the borough of Stroud, he certainly did say the Writ ought to go in that case, because there was no corrupt practice but treating suggested, and he felt there could be no disfranchisement for that offence alone. There was no evidence that there had been bribery in Stroud. In reference to Wigan, however, when the Disfranchisement Bill came on it would be open to any Member to move to insert Wigan in the Schedule. But he did not recommend that course. It was not for him to determine the matter; but he would suggest that the House should not pass over the matter lightly or hastily, and the House should show that it disapproved of what had taken place. He could not fix one time more than another when the House should express its views; but if the House asked him he should say that as in Gloucester the Writ was suspended for three years, in the case of Wigan it might be for two years, and at the end of the present Session a Motion

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BARON DE FERRIERËS said, he thought it was not only undesirable, but unfair, that any Member of the House should go on moving for new Writs for different boroughs in which he had no particular interest. He did not think that a place like Wigan could complain if its case were hung up till the whole question of corrupt boroughs had been considered by the House, though that Bill ought not to be delayed any longer than was necessary. He begged to move the Amendment of which he had given Notice.

Amendment proposed,

To leave out from the word "That," to the

end of the Question, in order to add the words "no Writ be issued to fill up any vacancy occasioned by corrupt practices until this House has disposed of the Corrupt Practices (Disfranchisement) Bill,"-(Baron de Ferrieres,) -instead thereof.

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the

might be made for a new Writ. By | Mr. Disraeli said, "that the suspension taking that course the House would of those two Writs had been continushow that they had done something to ously arbitrary and unconstitutional." mark their disapproval of the conduct He further observed-"In 1861 the Goof the electors, without acting with seve- vernment refused to introduce a Bill for rity towards the constituency. the suspension of the Writ for three years, and that, neither the Government nor any Member making such a proposition, another year had passed, the arbitrary and unconstitutional suspension still remained." No language could more clearly show that it was not accurate to represent Mr. Disraeli as saying that, three years having elapsed, sufficient punishment had been inflicted, but that, on the contrary, from beginning to end, he spoke of the suspension of the Writ, unless it was with the intention of bringing in any measure for disfranchisement, as arbitrary and unconstitutional. There was also the authority of Sir George Grey, who, in the same debate, in consenting to the issue of the Writ, never said that Gloucester had been sufficiently punished, but put it upon Constitutional grounds. He stated that, while adhering to the opinion he had previously expressed, there were serious objections to the suspension of a Writ for a protracted period, without reference to any proceedings or any impending measure. He (Mr. E. Clarke) would ask the Government to act, not upon the suggestion of the Attorney General, but upon the principle laid down by Sir George Grey, that the suspension of a Writ was only to be justified when the Government was prepared to introduce, or the House was considering a Bill to disfranchise the borough. It would be a most serious innovation upon the Constitutional rights of constituencies, which had recently been so loudly and rightly proclaimed, that the majority for the movement should ask the House not to re-try a case, but to deprive constituencies of their representation, even when the Government was not prepared to legislate. Then, the Attorney General based his suggestion upon the fact that the House had refused to issue a Royal Commission. Through that refusal, he said, the matter was in the same form as it would have been before the Corrupt Practices Act had passed. That he entirely challenged. It was clear that upon receiving the Report of an Election Judge the House, if it chose, could vote for the issue of a Royal Commission, and, if that Commission reported

Question."

MR. EDWARD CLARKE said, he was anxious to call the attention of the House to the singular position in which it would be placed if it adopted the unconstitutional and arbitrary course suggested by the Attorney General. The precedent which the Attorney General had given for the course he proposed was that of the City of Gloucester. It was true that that unhappy City was found out in 1859, and the Government repeatedly resisted any proposal for a Writ. In 1861 Sir George Grey stated that the Government had resolved to ask the House to withhold the issue of a Writ for the City; but in 1862 the Government changed its mind, and a Writ was issued. It was alleged by the Attorney General that in the debate on the Writ Mr. Disraeli alluded to the suspension of the Writ for three years as a sufficient punishment. That was not a correct statement of his views. He did not say that the three years which had elapsed might be taken as a sufficient punishment upon Gloucester. On the contrary, alluding to the suspension of the Writs for Wakefield and Gloucester,

against the borough, could proceed to deal with the subject by legislation. But if the House did not think sufficient ground had been shown for the issue of a Royal Commission, how could it be contended that its refusal to impose that penalty upon the borough enabled the majority of the House to inflict punishment as if that inquiry had taken place? Although the House had refused to try the people, it was contended that the House was entitled to punish them. Anything more monstrous could not be conceived. The Attorney General not only asked the House to punish where it had refused to try, but he asked it to form an opinion upon materials which he did not take the trouble to lay before it, and which he did not indicate in his speech. It was quite as arbitrary and unconstitutional to ask for the suspension of the Writ, under the circumstances, for the Session as for any length of time. Immense mischief would be inflicted upon the unhappy borough of Wigan by the course proposed. Till the month of August Wigan would be in the middle of a contested election, which would probably delight those who wished to see that borough disfranchised, as it would then have plenty of time in which to gratify any propensity for corruption it happened to possess, and so to render itself disqualified for the franchise. There was no proposal, either from the Government or from a private Member, for dealing with the matter in a Constitutional way; and the refusal of the Writ had become a matter to be dealt with simply by the arbitrary majority for the moment.

MR. THOMAS COLLINS said, he very much regretted the course the House took last Session on this matter. The position seemed to be that every borough must wait, if it had been guilty of any isolated act of corruption, till the Attorney General's Corrupt Practices Bill passed. He did not think that that was a fair thing to do, especially as many of the charges made were based upon the ipse dixit of one or two individuals. As a Representative of a borough, he recently had to pay a rate of 58. in the pound, owing to the erroneous finding of the Judges, because they had no witness of truth. In 1859 there were no Royal Commissions issued for Wakefield and Stroud, and they were worse cases of corruption than some of those which had

recently deprived boroughs of their representation. The question the House had to deal with was whether the Writ for Wigan should issue now, or at some future period. He thought the House came to an unfortunate decision last year, for the object of legislation of late years had been to remove these questions out of the hands of the House and treat them in a quasi-judicial manner. If, in these cases, the House were to pass over the Report of the Judges, it would revert to the vices of the old system, and the question would lapse into a contest between those Members of the House who wished a new Writ to issue, and to negative the decision of the Judges, and those who wished to support the decision. With regard to a Royal Commission, that could not be issued unless the statutory enactments were complied with; otherwise, it would be an illegal trial from beginning to end. The decision of last year was arrived at at the fag-end of the Session, and in a very thin House; and it was the duty of the Government to have. afforded an opportunity of raising the discussion again. The main object of a Parliamentary Commission was not to punish individuals, but to eradicate corruption from boroughs. The House having committed one blunder last year, should be careful not to make another this year. Upon the whole, he thought the House was bound to issue the Writ; and he should, therefore, vote for its being issued.

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MR. KNOWLES said, he wished to refer to one or two points raised in the observations of the hon. and learned Member for Plymouth (Mr. E. Clarke). One was that very few Members of the House had read the Judge's Report. He was quite sure that the Attorney General had read it carefully and thoroughly, as he had acted wisely in not pressing for a Commission. It would have been found a very weak deed. Wigan had undoubtedly erred; but it was not so bad as Gloucester, Chester, and other places. No doubt, as the sitting Member was unseated, the constituency was to some extent guilty; but the Judges exonerated him from blame, and said he did all he could to avoid corruption. With reference to the second point, as to the issuing of a new Writ, he trusted that the Attorney General would reconsider his decision,

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