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RECAPITULATION.

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The king, with his court and family, now left Whitehall, never to revisit it again, except as he bid it farewell to ascend the scaffold. Negotiations were for awhile kept up between him and parliament-his sanction to a bill excluding the imprisoned bishops from a seat in the House of Lords, was asked; and at length, in order to secure the safe retreat of his wife into France, given. Parliament also sent to know if he would grant them "power of militia," (i. e. to raise militia for their own defence,) and accept the list of lord lieutenants made out by them. "No, by God,” he answered, "not for an hour;" and so militia had to be raised in some other way than through royal permission.

In this synopsis, the career and separate steps of the revolution may be traced out. First, parliament wished to place some restrictions on arbitrary power, nothing more. The resistance and madness of Charles, aroused indignation, and boldness, and discussion. The natural result, was, clearer views of their own rights, and of the injustice of the king's arbitrary conduct. The king instead of yielding with grace, multiplied his tyrannical acts, and incensed still more the commons of England. Not satisfied with being himself a despot in civil matters, he allowed the fanatical Laud to be one in affairs of the church. Thus, while he exasperated parliament, Laud maddened the people, and so transferred or rather extended the quarrel from it, to every town in the land; making the excitement and opposition universal. Slight reforms were sought in the first place, but the principles of justice on which they were based,

soon brought to light grievances, whose removal would infringe still more on the sovereignty of the king. The king resisted, but the commons stood firm, and as soon as the people found they had a strong ally, they brought in their grievances on religious matters. Broken promises, falsehoods, secret and open tyranny, everywhere practised by the king and his bishops, rendered the breach between the monarch and his subjects still wider, until at length, royal pikes gleamed around parliament. Assailed by physical force, parliament sought to protect itself by physical force, and violence took the place of discussion and remonstrance, and revolution succeeded reformation. There was nothing unnatural in all this-there will be the same result in every despotism of Europe, so soon as there can be a representation of the people, bold enough to ask justice.

For taking part in such a movement of the English people-fighting bravely for the English Constitution and English liberty; and finally bringing the revolution to the only peaceful termination it could have had-Oliver Cromwell has been termed a regicide, a monster, and a tyrant. But not so will he appear to future generations -not so does he appear to us. In every step of his progress, we see the patriot and the honest man. There are always the same massive features, grave countenance and serious air, with here and there indications of the volcano within. Whether wandering by the banks of the Ouse, gloomy and desponding, as he attempts to look into that mysterious eternity to which he is hasteningor riding all fierce and terrible, amid his Ironsides;

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HIS CHARACTER.

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through the smoke of battle-or with hat on his head, stamping on the floor of parliament, and hurling defiance on all around-or praying in the midst of the midnight storm, as life is receding; he is the same resolute, thoughtful, and lofty man. Unlike most distinguished characters, he entered on public life late, and was forty years of age, before he took any part in those scenes in which he was afterwards to be the chief actor. His history is a forcible illustration of the effect of circumstances on a man's fortune. Had England remained quiet, Cromwell like Washington, would have spent his energies on his farm, improving his estate; and died a good, straighforward English gentleman. But the field which the revolution opened to him, soon scattered his plans for the improvement of his lands to the wind; and the too severe, too contemplative religionist, entered on a life of action, that left his disordered fancy but little time to people his brain with strange and gloomy forms.

CHAPTER III.

THE FIRST CIVIL WAR-FROM 1642 TO THE CAMPAIGN OF 1644.

Activity of Cromwell-Preparations for War-The King Erects his Standard-Battle of Edgehill-Cromwell's Opinion of It-Resolves to Raise his Ironsides-Their Character-Fight at Brentford-Enthusiasm of the Citizens of London—Cromwell Takes Croyland, Lowestoff, Stamford and Burleigh House-Fight at Grantham-Fight at Gainsborough Death of Hampden-His Last Hours and Burial-His Character-The Aid of Scotland Sought-Mob of Women in London -Battle of Newbury-Cromwell Governor of Ely-Ratification of the Covenant-Winceby Fight-Religious Character of the Revolution.

ALTHOUGH parliament and the king occupied a warlike attitude to each other, hostilities were still delayed, and messages and missives, without end, passed between them. The former had not yet made up its mind to do without the latter, and sought only to abridge his power.

In the meantime, royalist writers used their pens with such vigor, that the cause of parliament rapidly declined; and, at length, a petition from Kent was presented, praying for the restoration of the royal prerogative, and of episcopacy. It was rejected, and parliament, attributing it to the effects of the late writings of the royalists, immediately instituted a severe censorship of the press. But while things were in this state of uncertainty,

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CROMWELL'S ACTIVITY.

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Cromwell did not remain inactive. In February, 1642, he offered to lend parliament £500, to help quell the insurrection in Ireland. In April, he is found reporting to the House of Commons, that the petition on prerogative and episcopacy is about to be presented again, and receives orders to prevent it. Leaving the statesmen to manage things in the House, he occupied himself with external matters-keeping alive the sympathy of the people-watching and baffling the royalists, and exhibiting the practical power which afterwards carried him to such an elevation.* He already began to fulfil the prediction made by his cousin Hampden of him to Lord Digby. Cromwell, on a certain occasion, was addressing the House in his abrupt, ardent manner, when Lord Digby, who did not know him, bent forward and asked Hampden who "that sloven" was. "That sloven," replied the latter, "whom you see before you, hath no ornament in his speech-that sloven, I say, if we should ever come to a breach with the king (which God forbid) will be the greatest man in the kingdom."

In the meantime, negotiations failing, the king and parliament prepared for war:-the former issued his "commission of array," in order to raise an army; and the latter, their "ordinance for the militia," for the same purpose. These two calls for troops, issued by two different authorities, rapidly divided the land, and on one and the other side, the people began to arrange themselves.

In July, Cromwell asked permission of parliament to

* Vide Par. Hist. II., 1194.