Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

the eastern side of the Gulf. From the date at which Frumentius carried to them the seeds of the gospel down to the arrival of the Portuguese, there is an interval of nearly twelve hundred years; but during that period they were not exposed to any such disturbance from the arrival of strangers as would unsettle their creed, or interfere with the forms of their religious service. Hence, we repeat, there is good ground for believing that the Christianity which the European missionaries found in Abyssinia, in the sixteenth century, preserved the general features of the doctrine and practice which they received from the disciple of Athanasius.

In confirmation of the opinion now stated we shall mention a few particulars which, the more minutely they are considered, will contract a greater degree of interest in the view of a theological antiquary. The first is the use of circumcision, which, it is well known, was continued among Jewish converts long after the complete establishment of the gospel in the various cities of the Roman empire. The example of the apostles did not discountenance this usage as applied to the descendants of Abraham; on the contrary, these holy men confined their reprehension to an undue confidence in its efficacy, and to the attempt made by some of their followers to extend its obligation beyond the limits of the ancient covenant. It is extremely probable, therefore, that in the days of Frumentius the ritual of Moses retained its authority so far as to justify certain practices which were afterward laid aside in the churches of the East and West. The case of Timothy, recorded by St. Paul himself, might, in the estimation of a rude people disposed to outward ceremonies, seem to warrant more than a simple connivance.

The purifications of their priests, as we have already stated, may perhaps be traced to the same source, and be found also to rest on the usage of apostolical times. The laws, too, imposed upon women after childbirth, which bear so close a resemblance to the Mosaical institution, were, it is probable, derived from the habits of the early Christians; who, we may presume, could not be induced to regard such salutary practices as holding a place among the things which were to be abolished.

But we discover a still more remarkable circumstance in the observance of the Sabbath as well as of the Lord's Day, which no reader of ecclesiastical history requires to be

informed was continued many generations among the followers of Christ. The intimate mixture of the primitive disciples with the Jews, who were, generally speaking, of the same extraction, almost necessarily led to this union of sacred rites, in things of which both equally admitted the divine origin. It is not easy to determine when this reverential regard for the seventh day of the week was entirely laid aside by the Christians; but from the conduct of the Abyssinians we may venture to conclude that, at the period they received our holy faith, the Sabbath was still sanctified as the rest of Jehovah, and held as preparatory to the more solemn duties of the succeeding day. The partial remission from toil and study, which is still enjoyed on Saturday in our public offices and schools, is the only relic of the ancient usage which so long combined the institutions of the law and the gospel, and taught the worshipper to venerate the same great Being through the only two channels of revelation vouchsafed by Him to the human race.

It has usually been supposed that, admitting the accuracy of the Abyssinian legend which derives their religion and royal house from the visit paid to Solomon by the Queen of Sheba, the customs now described may be traced to a direct and positive intercourse with the Jewish people. But the story on which so weighty a structure is reared appears too slight to bear it; and, after a due consideration of the question, we think it more probable that, when the gospel was carried into Ethiopia, it continued to retain some of the external forms and practices with which it is known to have been invested during the first and second centuries. This conclusion derives no small support from the fact, that the principles of chronology which the Abyssinians retain are those which were held by the whole Christian church in those primitive ages; reckoning five thousand five hundred years from the creation to the birth of Christ, instead of four thousand and four, according to the calculation of the modern Jews. This peculiarity is mentioned by Bruce, who remarks that, "in the quantity of this period they do not agree with the Greeks, nor with other eastern nations, who reckon 5508. The Abyssinians adopt the even number 5500, casting away the odd eight years; but whether this was done for ease of calculation or for some better reason, there is now neither book nor tradition that can teach

us."*

This system of dates it is manifest could not have been obtained from Menilec, the fabled son of Solomon by the queen of the South; it could not have been introduced by the Jews during their short ascendency in a part of Ethiopia, because, being disappointed as to the coming of the Messiah, they had already relinquished it and adopted a more limited scheme of chronology; hence, we are necessarily brought to the conclusion, that together with the principles of the gospel they received the calculations as to the age of the world which were then held and taught by all Christian divines. Their remote situation protected them afterward from the innovations, as well as excluded them from the improvements, which marked the progress of a thousand years in Europe and Western Asia.

Before we conclude this brief sketch of the religious history and opinions of the Abyssinians, we shall mention the last attempt that has come to our knowledge to revive among them the authority of the Roman church. In the year 1751, a mission was sent into their country consisting of three Franciscan friars, named Remedio and Martino of Bohemia, and Antonio of Aleppo, who succeeded in penetrating as far as Gondar, where they rose into great favour with Yasous the Second, as well as with the queen-mother and many of the principal nobility about court. An account of this enterprise is contained in a manuscript journal written in Italian, and now in the possession of Lord Valentia, who permitted Mr. Salt to publish a translation of it at the end of his Travels in Abyssinia.

On first meeting with this narrative the latter was inclined to doubt its authenticity, from not having seen any notice of such a mission in Mr. Bruce's volumes; but he subsequently ascertained several circumstances which seemed to place its credit beyond dispute, especially the correct mention of the names which the two emperors, Bacuffa and Yasous, assumed on their accession to the throne. There is besides, in Bruce's original memoranda, an observation which proves that his great friend Ayto Aylo had actually

*In another work I have attempted to explain the intricacies of oriental chronology, with a reference to the opinions of the Jews and early Christians; both of whom held the epoch mentioned in the text, and counted about 5500 from the Creation to the birth of the Redeemer.-See Connexion of Sacred and Profane History, vol. i. p. 49-168.

been won over to the Roman faith by one of these very monks. It is incidentally noticed, "that he had been converted by Father Antonio, a Franciscan, in 1755."*

The memoir of Remedio is extremely interesting. After detailing the perils of their journey from Girgeh in Upper Egypt, and their correspondence with the Abyssinian government, he relates, that on the 19th March, 1752, they arrived at Gondar, where they were received with great joy, and pleasantly lodged in the royal palace. On the following day the emperor, who at that time resided at Kahha, sent for them to an audience; and after they had made a profound reverence he addressed them in the following words:"I embrace you with all my heart,—I welcome you with gladness, and congratulate you on your happy arrival. While yet a child I wished ardently to have men like you in my kingdom; on this account I exceedingly rejoice at your coming, and I promise you, as long as I live, my favour, protection, and assistance."

He then began to interrogate them with respect to the following points: 1st, Where are the tables of Moses? 2d, Concerning the Queen of Sheba? 3d, In what language Christ will judge the world? 4th, In what language did he speak when conversing with men ; and what was the first spoken language? He asked many other questions respecting Europeans, their customs, and manner of living; which they answered to the content and satisfaction of the emperor ; "who, gratified by our discourse, rose from his throne, which was fashioned like a bed, and spoke thus,― This house shall be your habitation." "

The favour shown to the Italian monks produced as usual a furious rebellion, and rendered their departure from the kingdom a matter of necessity. But the friars did not yield a willing submission; on the contrary, they addressed the sovereign and his mother with evangelical license on the Catholic faith, and threatened them with eternal damnation if they did not show obedience to the truths of the gospel. At length, however, they were driven out of the palace by main force; "in leaving which we shook the dust off from our feet, and publicly upbraided the emperor and his people with their infidelity, exclaiming with a loud voice, 'We are

* Appendix to vol. vii. p. 65, third edition; and Salt's Travels, p. 481

driven away by false Christians; let us fly then and seek refuge among the Gentiles.""

The literature of the Ethiopians, like that of the ancient Jews, appears to have been confined to their religious service and the chronicles of their nation. Their history, which Mr. Bruce had the merit of making known to Europe, bears a striking resemblance to the narratives of the Hebrew priests, whose duty it was, under Divine superintendence, to record the acts of their kings as well as to transmit their characters to succeeding generations. The poetry of Abyssinia, too, like the pious effusions of the Israelites, is confined to sacred subjects,—the praises of God, or the celebration of the triumphs and deliverances achieved by the fathers of their people guided by the hand of Providence. For lighter compositions, such as amused the leisure or gratified the taste of the Greeks and Romans, they entertain the most sovereign contempt; regarding it as rather an unholy exercise to employ the fascinating powers of music and poetical numbers for any purpose less exalted than religion. Their only pastime which partakes at all of a literary nature are riddles and enigmas; reminding the traveller of the entertainments which enlivened the marriage of Samson, and of the simple state of society in which that champion flourished.

The Abyssinians have the entire Scriptures as we have, and reckon the same number of books; but these are very seldom found in the habitation of any one individual; as few of them, from extreme poverty, are able to purchase the whole, either of the historical or prophetical portion of the Old Testament. The same remark applies to the New Testament, complete copies of which are extremely scarce. Nowhere indeed except in churches is there to be seen more than the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles; and the possession of even these implies no ordinary degree of wealth. The Revelation of St. John is a piece of favourite reading among the priests, and so is the Song of Solomon, although the latter is forbidden to deacons, laymen, and women. They make no distinction between canonical and apocryphal books. Bel and the Dragon is perused with equal reverence as the Acts, and it is suspected with equal edification;

* Salt, Appendix, p. xxxi. &c.

« ZurückWeiter »