The latest available reports in regard to the adoption of the constitutions and the election of legislatures in these States are as follows: 70,812 70,758 10,985 Total vote. For Constitution. Against. White for. Against. 1,005 5,802 000 27,288 8,993 The Governors elected in these States were, South Carolina, ; Arkansas, ; North Carolina, W. W. Holden; Georgia, Bullock; Louisiana, H. C. Warmoth; Florida, Reed. The Governors were all Republicans. The Legislatures had also in every case a Republican majority, in some cases a very large one. In Georgia, the Senate stood 27 Republicans to 16 Democrats, and 1 doubtful; the House, 96 Republicans to 24 Democrats, and 6 doubtful. In North Carolina, the Republicans had 32 out of the 50 Senators, and 68 of the 122 Representatives. In Louisiana, the Republicans had 21 out of 36 Senators, and 56 out of 101 Representatives. The other States had generally large majorities on the Republican side. The Senators from all these States were Republicans, and the Representatives in Congress were of the same party, except three from Georgia, and one from Louisiana, whose seat was to be contested. * In a number of the States, a discrepancy will be observed between the white and colored registries and the total. It arises from the fact that we have used official totals where we could obtain them, giving incomplete divisions of the races when we could obtain nothing better. ↑ The returns of the vote in this State are so incomplete that the number not voting cannot be given. THE DESOLATED STATES. 651 CHAPTER LXXXV. SOCIAL CONDITION. Causes. - 'The Suffering at the South among the Freedmen and Loyal Whites. Discharge of the Freedmen by their Employers for Voting. - Good Conduct of the Freedmen. Description of the Scenes at the Polls in Montgomery, Ala. -Negro Suffrage, North and South.-Reasons why it was indispensable that the Freedmen should have the Ballot. - Testimony to the Good Conduct of the Negroes at the South. Southern White Loyalty. - The Competency of the Negro for the Exercise of Suffrage equal to that of the Poor Whites. Eloquence of a Negro in Arkansas, a recent Slave. - The Destitution at the South.- Wrongs Inflicted on the Freedmen. - Laziness of the Rebel Whites. The Advance in Education at the South. Benevolent Associations. - Freedmen's Bureau. - Mr. Peabody's Munificent Gift. - Higher Education. -The Educational Provisions in the New Constitutions. The Results which must flow from this in the Future. WHILE the desolated States were thus striving to get into line, and henceforth keep step to the music of loyalty and Union, and, despite the bitter and ingenious opposition of the disloyal and rebellious portion of the population, and the hostility of President Johnson, were meeting with remarkable success, their social condition had, as yet, improved very little. The winter of 1867-68 was one of extensive suffering, especially among the freedmen and the poor whites, from several causes: The crops of the year 1867 had been, for the most part, poor; there had not been a sufficiency of corn or other grain grown in the South for the consumption of the population, and where cotton, sugar, and rice were cultivated, in a majority of cases the crop had not been sufficient. to pay the expense incurred by the still thriftless managers, and, as somebody must suffer, they preferred that it should be the freedmen, whom they drove away, without pay, in the depth of winter, alleging that the advances already made to them covered, or more than covered, their entire earnings. In most of the States the freedmen were not, as yet, permitted to either hire or buy land. Where they could do so, and could in any way procure the means of cultivating it, they were industrious and economical, and managed to live comfortably. One of the measures to which the Rebel planters resorted, most generally, to prevent, if possible, the calling of a constitutional convention, or later, the adoption of a constitution, was to discharge, at once, all in their employ who should dare to vote for either. Their papers openly advocated this outrageous despotism, and their advice was followed very widely. Under these circumstances, it was certainly remarkable that no larger number of the colored people fell into a condition of dependence and pauperism, and that, ignorant as most of them were, and, as yet, indisposed to extra exertion from the life-long enervating influence of slavery, with the old fear of the lash still lingering in their minds, they should have braved all the threats and persecution of their old masters, and dared to contend so earnestly for their rights. The polls, in these States, both at the time of voting for the Convention and for the Constitution, presented scenes of mingled pathos and humor, which could not fail to impress. deeply every thoughtful mind. The correspondent of the "Cincinnati Commercial," himself somewhat inclined to sympathize with the President's policy, was at Montgomery, Alabama, when the vote was taken on the adoption of the new Constitution, and his account of what he witnessed is so graphic, and tallies so exactly with what was observed in other States, that we cannot do better than to reproduce a portion of it: "The influences brought to bear to induce them to coöperate with the late master class have been ingenious and manifold. If goodhumoredly reasoned with, they would only nod in reply. Scolding fell on their impassive heads as uselessly as a spitball. Expostulation was of no avail. Threats of proscription have been less fruitless, but many thousands disregarded every motive save the one that THE DESOLATED STATES. 653 It is spurred them to vote for the political elevation of their race. universally asserted by the Conservatives, that the poor negroes are the dupes of designing white carpet-baggers,' who desire to be floated into office and emolument. That such designing persons exist is not to be doubted, but the black man, at this election, is trying to pull out of the fire the largest and most succulent chestnuts for himself and his own people. Read the proposed Constitution, and judge for yourself if he be snapping for more shadow than substance. Though often credulous, and by nature always confiding, he has a just apprehension of the stake played for in this deal of the political cards. "For four days the election has been quietly proceeding. To-day is the last of the term allowed. If ratification fail, it will not be because time enough was not given to muster all who desired to vote. Originally but two days were named, then four. The voting commenced in a raw rain-storm, the creeks became swollen, and it was feared that many negroes would be kept at home by the wretched weather and roads. So another day was added by General Meade, making five in all. The first two days were exceedingly chilly, wet, and gloomy. The second two were mild and sunny. To-day promises to be a lovely one. But, rain or shine, the streets of Montgomery have been thronged with negroes. The curbstone restaurants (ranging in size from a hand-basket to a rickety table) have continued operations on a scale adapted to the crisis. Ebony cobblers on back streets have been pegging away, day and night, at the shocking bad foot-gear of tramping voters from distant plantations. Wooden awnings have sheltered a nightly bivouac. Every hospitable hut has lodged enough darkies to give it a double claim to be called a black hole. The warm sides of the avenues have had their ebony procession lengthened and widened to the election standard; and philanthropic auctioneers have about closed out their stock of goods and stock of conscience, at a fearful sacrifice, of course. "If the reader now will come with me, and watch for a while how the voting proceeds, I promise him a novel experience. We will not take the first day of the voting, for then it was painful to see the crowd of ragged colored men standing for hours in the pitiless storm, waiting to slip in their tickets, and so fearful of losing their turns, that one who had deposited his vote found no avenue of egress, save that paved with the heads of those behind. Let us choose the third day, for the air is bland and the sky cloudless. There stand the black pilgrims, you see, ranged (for better order prevails to-day) in a double queue. At the side of the window, where the vote is handed in, are two policemen one to admit the of the window is voter, the other to point the way out. In front the Conservative challenging committee of four. One of the four keeps tally of the vote; another scans the registration list as the name of each voter is announced; the third writes down the names not found registered, and the fourth makes himself generally watchful. Behind the window three judges are seated around a table, bearing in its centre a large pine ballot-box. "The column of negroes waiting to vote is jammed together as if by some uncontrollable muscular impulse, but it surges back whenever the barrier of the first policeman threatens to give way. They do not talk to each other, deeming silence, perhaps, to be due to the sacred importance of the occasion. If their eye catches yours (you are a Caucasian, remember), it falls with an expression of embarrassment, as if they felt that you, being white, looked with keen disfavor on the act they had drawn up to perform. Falstaff's recruits were not greater ragamuffins. Look at the garb of these negroes, and I defy you to point out one unpatched garment in fifty. Gray coats and blue coats, worn out three years ago, still are forced to serve in a tattered sartorial invalid corps. One coat (doubtless for Sunday and elections) is made of cheap ingrain carpeting. The pantaloons are more shredlike than the coats; the hats advanced to all degrees of organic decay. Not one in twenty wears boots, and few shoes retain much of their original homely integrity. In shape, they might inclose either a small ham, or the foot of any human being deformed by toil among the clods of cotton-fields. If you study the heads and the faces, you will find more indications of a gentle, submissive, ease-loving heart, than of active intelligence or ambitious disposition. "Whatever the natural aptitudes of the African may be, a hundred years of slavery in Alabama have not added anything attractive to his phrenological development. That many of them are very ignorant of the scope and meaning of citizenship, is as plain as |