the history of Europe fubfequent to his reign. While his numerous biographers defcribe his perfonal qualities and actions; while the hiftorians of different countries relate occurrences the confequences of which were local or tranfient, it hath been my purpose to record only thofe great tranfactions in his reign, the effects of which were univerfal, or continue to be permanent.

As my readers could derive little in ftruction from fuch a hiftory of the reign of Charles V. without fome information concerning the state of Europe previous to the fixteenth century, my defire of fupplying this has produced a preliminary volume, in which I have attempted to point out and explain the great caufes and events, to whose operation all the improvements in the political state of Europe, from the fubverfion of the Roman empire to the beginning of the fix teenth century, must be afcribed. I have exhibited a view of the progrefs of fociety in Europe, not only with respect to interior government, laws, and manners, but with refpect to the command of the national force requifite in foreign operations; and I have described the political conftitution of the principal ftates in Europe at the time when Charles V. began his reign.

In this part of my work I have been led into feveral critical difquifitions, which belong more properly to the province of the lawyer or antiquary, than to that of the hiftorian. Thefe I have placed at the end of the first volume, un der the title of Proofs and Illustrations. Many of my readers will, probably, give little attention to fuch researches. To fome they may, perhaps, appear the most curious and interesting part of the work. I have carefully pointed out the fources from which I have derived information, and have cited the writers on whofe au thority I rely, with a minute exact nefs, which might appear to border upon oftentation, if it were poffible to be vain of having read books, many of which nothing but the duty of examining with accuracy whatever I laid before the public, could have induced me to open. As ny inquiries conducted me often into paths which were obfcure or little frequented, fuch conftant recourfe to the authors who have been my guides, was Hot only neceflary for authenticating the fals which are the foundations of my reafonings, but may be useful in pointing

the way to fuch as fhall hereafter

hold the fame course, and in enabling them to carry on their researches with greater facility and success.

Every intelligent reader will obferve one omiffion in my work, the reafon of which it is neceffary to explain. I have given no account of the conquefts of Mexico and Peru, or of the establishment of the Spanish colonies in the continent and iflands of America. The history of the fe events I originally intended to have related at confiderable length. But upon a nearer and more attentive confideration of this part of my plan, I found that the difcovery of the new world, the state of fociety among its ancient inhabitants, their character, manners, and arts, the genius of the European fettlements in iu various provinces, together with the in fluence of these upon the systems of poli cy or commerce in Europe, were fubjects fo fplendid and important, that a fuper ficial view of them, could afford little fatisfaction; to treat of them as extensively as they merited, muft produce an epifode difproportionate to the principal work. I have therefore reserved these for a separate hiftory; which, if the performance now offered to the public fhall receive its ap probation, I propose to undertake.

Though, by omitting fuch confiderabl but detached articles in the reign o Charles V. I have circumfcribed my narration within more narrow limits, I am yet perfuaded, from this view of the intention and nature of the work, which I thought it neceffary to lay be fore my readers, that the plan muf ftill appear to them too extenfive, and the undertaking too arduous. I have of ten felt them to be fo. But my convic tion of the utility of fuch a histor prompted me to perfevere. With wha fuccefs I have executed it, the publi must now judge. I wait, in folicitude for its decifion; to which I fhalt fubmi with a respectful filence.

The cafe of Great Britain and America

addreffed to the King and both houses o Parliament. I S. Becket. [36.] THis pamphlet is written with grea

fpicit, force, and perfpicuity; an contains all that has hitherto been faid in favour of the colonies, and more.

The author obferves, that the affair of G. Britain and her colonies are at crifis; and that G. Britain thould imme diately fix the pretenfions that fire wil never relinquifh, and the colonies hav

certai

choice of their representatives, there are alfo many that have. The poffeffion of a 40s. freehold, in Britain, confers the privilege of a vote: the poffeffion of the whole continent of America does not confer that privilege. Do you not know the infinite difference between a nation where all have not the power of voting for their reprefentatives, and a nation where none have that power? The former is your condition, and therefore you are a free people; the former is what we claim; the latter is the condition of flaves, and that is what you offer. We claim the right of fuffrage, as the privilege of Britons; and you tell us we have it, because we are like thofe Britons who have it not! We claim the fame conftitution as G. Britain, and you offer us only the defect of that conftitution, but deny us its advantages. England cannot be taxed but by an affembly, where her land is reprefented by knights, her monied intereft by citizens and burgeffes, and therefore the is a free nation. Is then America' on a par with England in point af freedom, if the can be taxed by an aflembly, to which her freeholders fend no knights, and her cities no citizens? You fay, that your right of fuffrage is partially diftributed in Britain; give us then a right of fuffrage as partially diftributed in America. For this reprefentation, partial and imperfect as you call it, your Magna Chartas have been demanded, your patriots have bled, and your monarchs have been dethroned. Was this for nothing? Yet this you depy to the Americans, though you fay to us, Ye have the privileges of Britons. But there is yet another defect in your argument. For it is not true, that we are in as good a condition as thofe Britons whom you call unrepresented, and who are not electors: for even they have this great advantage, that both the reprefentative and the electors pay a part of the tax, as well as those who have no fuffrage [xxx. 284.]: whereas if the houfe of Commons of England thould tax the Americans, neither the representatives nor the electors would pay any proportion of what they impofed upon us; they would not tax, but untax themfelves. The condition therefore of an English man who has no fuffrage, when taxed by the British legiflature, and of an American taxed by the fame authority, are totally diffimilar. Place them in fituations which bear any fimilitude, and it

will thew, in the ftrongest light, the injuftice of the prefent measures. Suppofe then that the parliament of Britain thould impofe a tax, from which themfelves and those who voted for them fhould be exempted, and which should be paid entirely by those who had no fuffrages; this would bear fome refemblance to their taxing the Americans: and would not this be unparallelled inju ftice? But if even this (unjuft as you must efteen it) were the practice of your parliament, the condition of a non-voting Englishman would still be infinitely preferable to ours: for even fuch a tax as I have ftated, would fall upon the rela tions, the friends, the dependants, the tenants, the manufacturers, the labour. ers of British legislators. The legiflator would feel its effects, almost initanta. neously; he would find his own interest immediately concerned; he would there. fore use fome moderation. Befides, he is an eye-witness of their condition, he can judge of their abilities, he can be wounded at the fight of their diftreffes. But he cannot fee our mifery, he cannot judge of our abilities; and his tenant and his manufacturers will feel the immediate effects of our ruin, not in their distress, but in their exoneration. If therefore the legislature of Britain should adopt fuch a fyftem of unparallelled in. justice, with refpect to the non-voting inhabitants of Britain; yet, even the fufferers by, and the objects of injustice, would be happy in comparison of us. Suppose, for a moment, if you can bear the thought, fuppofe for a moment, that your houfe of Commons were not elected by you; that they were an hereditary body, in no wife indebted to your choice; would you not be an inflaved and an unhappy people? But even then you would be happier than we are. A body of 500 men, fituated in the midst of feven millions, and taxing those seven millions, would furely be more bound to moderation, by fear, if not by principle, than the fame body, affifted and supported by those seven millions, in taging two millions who are at a distance. To opprefs, in one inflance, would at least be infamy, if it would not be punishment; in the other they might find it popula rity, they might think it patriotifm. Mr P-tt said, (if I mistake not), that every man in England could buzza at an election: even that method of exprefling one's withes, is fome fatisfaction, and

has

bas some influence; the fhoutings of the people have had great effects; and the very murmurs of Englifhmen, had perhaps more share in the repeal of the ftamp a&t, than the united voice of Ame rica. We cannot even huzza at a British election!

་

The right of prefenting petitions to parliament was deemed of fo much importance, that it was inferted in the bill of rights. In this fundamental right, the bulwark against parliamentary oppreffion, as well as every other, under what difadvantages fhould we labour, if you were to make laws for us? How different is the effect of a petition prefented by the hands of the injured, inforced by their affiduity, and recommended by their tears, from that of our paper-reprefentations? They are fubject to be milrepresented in a thousand ways. They come cold, and you do not feel them; often too late, and you cannot comply with them; and what was done by you through inattention and mistake, must be maintained for dignity; in a word, they do not ftrike home, either upon your caution or your kindness, your affections or your fears. In this particular the very women and children of England have an influence upon parliament, of which the Americans are deftitute. How different is your lot from ours! In the character of an American, to the people of England I fpeak. Your frequent elections are a valuable privilege to you; what privilege are they to us? At the clofe of a parliament you expect popular inealures, from the fears and the hopes of your reprefentatives. But who will find it his intereft to be a friend to America? They will with to gain the favour of their countrymen, and therefore will burthen America in order to difburthen England, What to you is a valua ble privilege, will be to us a fource of repeated oppreffion. We are worfe even than your Papifts. In being excluded from the right of fuffrage, they are like and as they pay double land-tax, in that additional payment the refemblance continues; for it is a tax impofed by men whom they had no thare in electing, and it is a tax which thofe who impofe it do not pay. But this difability in point of fuffrage, and this additional payment, are penalties inflicted on your Papists: and why? Allegiance as by law required is a quality effential to being a fubject. Your Papills are defective in that quality

They are confidered as not completely fubjects; and, as fuch, penalties are inflicted on them. Your only juftification for inflicting thefe penalties on them is, that you doubt their being fubjects. Your only pretence for inflicting the fame penalties on us is, that we are fubjets. Same penalties, did I fay? nay worse; for as they are inflicted on us, without offence, we cannot by a discontinuation of offence, exempt ourselves from thele grievances. The Papift, by becoming a Proteftant, can free himself from this difability, and this double taxation: but we cannot free ourselves from this mifery, but by cea fing to be Americans. Befides, in every other cafe, except that addition of landtax, your Papifts are in as good a fitua tion as any of the rest of your inhabitants who have not votes: but in every tax you lay upon us, we are in as bad a situation as your Papifts are in that one. Befides, your Papifts are connected with their legiflators, by relationthip, friendfhip, neighbourhood, or dependence. Their poffeffions too are British, and they must have influence, though they have no votes. And the great right of petitioning, they poffefs with all its advantages, and can inforce their petitions by their prefence, their affiduity, their numbers, and their tears. In how much worfe a fituation are we than your Pa-' pifts, whom for their obftinacy in an unconftitutional and perfecuting religion. you have made the outcafts of legiflation! What then is the freedom, and what are thofe British privileges, to which you con fefs we are intitled? What are those rights which we have poffeffed above one hundred years, which we derived from folemn compact, which we have purchafed by an unfhaken allegiance, and by the profits of our trade?"

Upon this plea, however, it may be obferved, that it is unfair to reprefent the difference between G. Britain and her colonies as the fubject of a treaty; the colonies claiming one thing, and G. Britain offering another. The question is not, What fhall be granted? but, What is poffeffed? not, What the conftitution of the colonists may or ought to be made? but, What it is? All the inhabitants of G. Britain deem them. felves free, and are deemed free by others, as well thofe who have not the right of fuffrage, as those who ba.e. If the Americans are flaves in confequence of their not having this right, all who