(+39) which thofe unfortunate beings have not fuffered? And fhall we, when principles of the fame fort are lurking in our own iflands, fhall we expofe our fellow fubjects to the fame calamities, who, if guilty of promoting this trade, have at least been encouraged by ourfelves, by Us, who, though parties in the guilt, would in no adequate degree be parties in the fuffering? It has been faid, that there is a diftinction between the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and the Emancipation of the Slaves. I admit that distinction; but should we be surprised if the Slaves, who, receiving no immediate benefit from the abolition of the trade, fhould complain that these principles are not equally applies to themselves ;-fhould we be furprised if their minds, not cultivated as our own, should not feel fo nice a diftin&tion, or at leaft, if they do feel it, would be too much interested to appear to do fo? That the Slave Trade is in itself an evil, I am ready to admit. That the state of flavery itself is likewise an evil I am no less ready to admit. That if the question was, not to abolifb, but eftablish them, I, of all thofe who profefs so much zeal for the interefts of humanity, would not be the least eager to oppose it; but, are there not many evils in this world which we should have thought it our duty to prevent, yet which, when once they have taken place, it is more dangerous to oppofe than to fubmit to? The duty of a Statesman is, not to confider abftractedly what is right or wrong, but to weigh the difadvantages that are likely to arife from the abolition fan evil, against the confequences that are likely to arife from the continuance of it. On this ground let us judge of the prefent queftion. Here is an evil, which, it has been proved, can be but of short continuance; the continuance of which, by proper regulations, may be extremely fhortened. The expiration of which, instead of being productive of good, will be productive of effential ́harm to those whom it is meant to benefit; and fhall we appearing to prevent the short continuance of this evil, adopt a measure which can be of no advantage on one hand, and which threatens every calamity on the other-which threatens a diminution U 2 (140) diminution of our revenue, and confequently a serious misfortune to the people of this country-which threatens the ruin of the property of thofe perfons who, under our encou→ ragement, have fettled in the West India Inlands-which threatens murder, and all thofe cruelties which, by the adoption of the meafure, we are defirous of preventing. I have frequently rejoiced at the idea, that fome of those evils which have existed in all ages, and under all governments, are likely, in the present period, to be abolished; that we live in an age where knowledge has become more univerfal than in any former period, and that, under the mild influence of true religion and philofophy, fociety is likely to receive confiderabie improvements. But I have always dreaded that those improvements should be too rapid-convinced that by this means their very end may be prevented. Violent changes shake the frame instead of fupporting it. They endanger its existence; and if the conftitution out-lives the fhock, it is restored weak and enfeebled. Gradual changes ftrengthen and uphold it. The confequence of the change, and not the change, is felt. Every step fecures the preceding, and becomes the foundation for additional improvement. Agreeing, then, moft perfectly with the friends to the abolition in their end, I differ from them only in the means of accomplishing that end. I am defirous of doing that gradually, which they are defirous of doing rafhly. To fome part of the Right Honourable Gentleman's propofitions I agree, but I as much differ from him in others. I have drawn up two propofitions, which meet my ideas on the fubject, and which, if the Committee will give me leave, I will ftate to them. That an address be presented to his Majefty, that he would be pleased to recommend to the Colonial Affemblies, to grant premiums to fuch Planters and Overseers as shall diftinguish themselves by promoting the annual increase of the Slaves by birth. And likewife to grant freedom to every female Negro, who has borne and reared up five children to the age of feven years. 2d. That (141) 2d. That a bounty of 51. per head be given to the mafter of every veffel employed in the trade from the coast of Africa, who fhall import in any cargo, a greater number of female than male Negroes, not exceeding the age of twenty-five years. In order that I may be enabled to bring forward my propofitions in form, I move that the Chairman fhould leave the Chair. Mr. ESTE. I fhould not intrude myself on the Comhittee at fo late an hour, but with a view of inducing them to adjourn the debate. There are two propofitions, Sir, before the House. The one, for the Abolition of the Slave Trade at large; the other for its gradual Abolition; and I cannot help thinking that Gentlemen fhould be allowed a further time to compare their respective merits, and consider of the beft means of carrying their purpose. I am perfuaded there are feveral enormities in the Slave Trade which call for regulation; which I also conceive to be the best means to effectuate the final Abolition of the Slave Trade: for it appears to me that a gradual Abolition would anfwer all the purposes, and effectuate its end in a much better manner than could be done by any other means. At four o'Clock Mr. William Smith rofe, but Mr. Pitt having rifen at the fame time, Mr. Smith gave way to him. The ( 142 ) The Right Honourable WILLIAM PITT. At this hour of the morning I am afraid, Sir, I am too much exhaufted to enter fo fully into the fubject before the Committee as I could wish; but if my bodily ftrength is in any degree equal to the task, I feel fo ftrongly the magnitude of this question, that I am extremely earnest to deliver my fentiments, which I rife to do with the more fatisfaction, because I now look forward to the iffue of this bufinefs with confiderable hopes of fuccefs. The debate has this day taken a turn, which, though it has produced a variety of new fuggeftions, has, upon the whole, reduced this question to a much narrower point than it was ever brought into before. I cannot say that I quite agree with the Right Honourable Gentleman over the way (Mr. Fox); I am far from deplor+ ing all that has been faid by my two Honourable Friends; (Mr. DUNDAS and the Speaker.) I rather rejoice that they have now brought this subject to a fair issue-that something, at least, is already gained, and that the argument has taken altogether a new courfe this night. It is true, a difference of opinion has been stated, and has been urged with all the force of argument that could be given to it. But give me leave to fay, that this difference has been urged upon princi ples very far removed from thofe which were maintained by the opponents of my Honourable Friend when he firft brought forward his motion. There are very few of those who have spoken this night, who have not thought it their duty to declare their full and entire concurrence with my Honourable Friend in promoting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, as their ultimate object: However we may differ as to the time and manner of it, we are agreed in the Abolition itself and my Honourable Friends have expressed their agreement in this fentiment with that fenfibility upon the ubject, which humanity does moft undoubtedly require. I do not, however, think they yet perceive what are the neceffary confequences of their own conceffion, or follow up their own principles to their just conclusion. The (143) The point now in difpute between us, is, a difference merely as to the period of time, at which the Abolition of the Slave Trade ought to take place. I therefore congratulate this Houfe, the Country, and the World, that this great point is gained; that we may now confider this trade as having received its condemnation; that its fentence is feal ed; that this Curfe of mankind is feen by the House in its true light; and that the greatest ftigma on our national character which ever yet exifted, is about to be removed! And, Sir, (which is ftill more important) that MANKIND, I trust, in general, are now likely to be delivered from the greatest practical evil that ever has afflicted the human race from the feverest and most extenfive calamity recorded in the History of the world! In proceeding to give my reafons for concurring with my Honourable Friend in his motion, I fhall neceffarily advert to thofe topics which my Honourable Friends near me have touched upon; and which they ftated to be their motives for preferring a gradual, and in fome degree, a diftant Abolition of the Slave Trade, to the more immediate and direct measure now proposed to you. Beginning as I do, with declaring that in this refpect I differ completely from my Right Honourable Friends near me. I do not, however, mean to say, that I differ as to one obfervation which has been preffed rather ftrongly by them. If they can fhew that their propofition of a gradual Abolition, is more likely than ours to fecure the object which we have in view➡ that by proceeding gradually we fhall arrive more speedily at our end, and attain it with more certainty, than by a direct vote immediately to abolish-If they can fhew to the fatisfaction both of myself and the Committee, that our propofition has more the appearance of a speedy Abolition, than the reality of it; undoubtedly they will in this cafe make a convert of me, and my Hon ourable Friend who moved the queftion; they will make a convert of every man among us, who looks to this, which I truft we all do, as a question not to be determined by theoretical principles or enthusiastic feelings, but confiders the practicability of the measure-aiming fimply |