ད ཅད ༤།

I hope, therefore, we fhall hear no more of the moral impoffibility of civilizing the Africans, nor have our understandings and confciences again infulted, by being called upon to fanction the Slave Trade, until other nations fhall have fet the example of abolishing it. While we have been deliberating upon the subject, one nation, not ordinarily taking the lead in politics, nor by any means remarkable for, the boldness of its councils, has determined on a gradual Abolition; a determination, indeed, which, fince it permits for a time the existence of the Slave Trade, would be an unfortunate pattern for our imitation. France, it is faid, will take up the Trade, if we relinquish it. What? Is it fuppofed that in the prefent fituation of St. Domingo, of an Ifland which used to take three-fourths of all the Slaves required by the Colonies of France, the, of all countries, will think of taking it up? What countries remain? The Portuguese, the Dutch, and the Spaniards. Of those countries let me declare it is my opinion, that if they fee us renounce the Trade, after full deliberation, they will not be disposed, even on principles of policy, to rush further into it. But I fay more: How are they to furnish the Capital neceffary for carrying it on? If there is any aggrava tion of our guilt, in this wretched bufinefs, greater than another, it is that we have ftooped to be the carriers of these miferable beings from Africa to the Weft Indies for all the ●ther powers of Europe. And now, Sir, if we retire from the Trade altogether, I afk, Where is that fund which is to be raifed at once by other nations, equal to the purchase of 30 or 40,000 Slaves? A fund, which if we rate them at 401. or 501. each, cannot make a capital of lefs than a million and a half, or two millions of money. From what branch of their commerce is it that thefe European nations will draw together a fund to feed this monster ?—To keep alive this deteftable commerce?—And even if they should make the attempt, will not that immenfe Chafm, which muft inftantly be created in the other parts of their trade, from which this vast capital must be withdrawn in order to supply the Slave Trade, be filled up by yourselves?-Will not these branches of commerce which

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which they must leave, and from which they muft withdraw their industry and their capitals, in order to apply them to the Slave Trade, be then taken up by British merchants?-Will you not even in this cafe, find your capital flow into these deferted channels?—Will not your capital be turned from the Slave Trade to that natural and innocent commerce from which they muft withdraw their capitals in proportion as they take up the traffick in the flesh and blood of their fellow-creatures?

The Committee fees, I truft, how little ground of objection to our propofition there is in this part of our adverfaries argument.

Having now detained the House fo long, all that I will further add, shall be on that important fubject, the civilization of Africa, which I have already fhewn that I confider as the leading feature in this question. Grieved am I to think that there fhould be a fingle perfon in this country, much more that there fhould be a fingle member in the British Parliament, who can look on the prefent dark uncultivated and uncivilized ftate of that continent, as a ground for continuing the Slave Trade,—as a ground not only for refufing to attempt the improvement of Africa, but even for hindering and intercepting every ray of light which might otherwife break in upon her, as a ground for refufing to her the common chance and the common means, with which other nations have been blessed, of emerging from their native barbarifin.

Here, as in every other branch of this extenfive queftion, the argument of our adverfaries pleads against them; for, furely, Sir, the prefent deplorable ftate of Africa, efpecially when we reflect that her chief calamities are to be ascribed to us, calls for our generous aid, rather than juftifies any defpair on our part of her recovery, and ftill lefs any further repetition of our injuries.

I will not much longer fatigue the attention of the Houfe; but this point has impreffed itself fo deeply on my mind, that I muft trouble the Committee with a few additional obfervations. Are we juftified, I afk, on any one ground of theory, or

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by any one inftance to be found in the hiftory of the world, from its very beginning to this day, in forming the suppofition which I am now combating? Are we juftified in fuppofing that the particular practice which we encourage in Africa, of men's felling each other for flaves, is any fymptom of a barbarifm that is incurable? Are we juftified in fuppofing that even the practice of offering up human facrifices proves a total incapacity for civilization? I believe it will be found (and perhaps much more generally than is fupposed) that both the trade in flaves, and the fill more favage cuftom of offering human facrifices, obtained in former periods, throughout many of those nations which now, by the bleffings of Providence, and by a long progreffion of improvements, are advanced the fartheft in civilization. I believe, Sir, that, if we will reflect an inftant, we shall find that this obfervation comes directly home to our own felves; and that, on the fame ground on which we now are disposed to profcribe Africa for ever, from all poffibility of improvement, we ourselves might, in like manner, have been proscribed and for ever shut out from all the bleffings which we now enjoy,

There was a time, Sir, which it may be fit fometimes to revive in the remembrance of our countrymen, when even human facrifices are faid to have been offered in this ifland. But I would peculiarly obferve on this day, for it is a cafe precifely in point, that the very practice of the Slave Trade once prevailed among us. Slaves, as we may read in Henry's History of Great Britain, were formerly an established article of OUR exports. "Great numbers," he fays," were exported like "cattle, from the British coaft, and were to be seen exposed "for fale in the Roman market." It does not diftinctly appear, by what means they were procured; but there was unqueftionably no small resemblance, in this particular point, between the cafe of our ancestors and that of the prefent wretched natives of Africa-for the hiftorian tells you that "adultery, "witchcraft and debt were probably fome of the chief fources "of fupplying the Roman market with British Slaves--that "prisoners taken in war were added to the number—and that "there

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"there might be among them fome unfortunate gamefters "who, after having loft all their goods, at length staked "themselves, their wives, and their children." Every one of these sources of flavery has been stated, and almoft precifely in the fame terms, to be at this hour a fource of flavery in Africa. And these circumftances, Sir, with a folitary instance or two of human facrifices, furnish the alleged proofs, that Africa labours under a natural incapacity for civilization; that it is enthufiafm and fanaticism to think that the can ever enjoy the knowledge and the morals of Europe; that Providence never intended her to rife above a state of barbarism ; that Providence has irrevocably doomed her to be only a nursery for Slaves for us free and civilized Europeans. Allow of this principle, as applied to Africa, and I fhould be glad to know why it might not also have been applied to ancient and uncivilized Britain. Why might not fome Roman Senator, reasoning on the principles of fome Honourable Gentlemen, and pointing to British Barbarians, have predicted with equal boldness "There is a people that will never rife to civilization-there " is a people destined never to be free-a people without the "understanding neceffary for the attainment of useful arts; t depreffed by the hand of nature below the level of the "human fpecies; and created to form a fupply of Slaves for "the reft of the world." Might not this have been faid, according to the principles, which we now hear stated in all respects as fairly and as truly of Britain herself, at that period of her hiftory, as it can now be faid by us of the inhabitants of Africa?

We, Sir, have long fince emerged from barbarism-we have almost forgotten that we were once barbarians we are now raised to a fituation which exhibits a striking contraft to every circumftance, by which a Roman might have characterised us, and by which we now characterize Africa. There is indeed one thing wanting to complete the contraft, and to clear us altogether from the imputation of acting even to this hour as Barbarians; for we continue to this hour a barbarous traffick in Slaves: we continue it even yet in spite of all our

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great and undeniable pretenfions to civilization. We were once as obfcure among the nations of the earth, as favage in our manners, as debafed in our morals, as degraded in our understandings, as these unhappy Africans are at prefent. But in the lapfe of a long feries of years, by a progreffion flow, and for a time, almost imperceptible, we have become rich in a variety of acquirements, favoured above measure in the gifts of Providence, unrivalled in com merce, pre-eminent in arts, foremost in the pursuits of philofophy and fcience, and established in all the bleffings of civil fociety: We are in the poffeffion of peace, of happiness and of liberty we are under the guidance of a mild and beneficent religion; and we are protected by impartial laws, and the pureft administration of juftice: we are living under a fyftem of government, which our own happy experience leads us to pronounce, the best and wifeft which has ever yet been framed; a fyftem which has become the admiration of the world. From all these bleffings, we muft for ever have been fhut out, had there been any truth in thofe principles which fome Gentlemen have not hesitated to lay down as applicable to the cafe of Africa. Had thofe principles been true, we ourfelves had languifhed to this hour in that miferable state of ignorance, brutality, and degradation, in which history proves. our ancestors to have been immerfed. Had other nations adopted thefe principles in their conduct towards us; had other nations applied to Great Britain the reasoning which fome of the Senators of this very Island now apply to Africa,―ages might have paffed without our emerging from barbarifm; and we who are enjoying the bleffings of British civilization, of British laws, and British liberty, might, at this hour, have been little fuperior, either in morals, in knowledge, or refinement, to the rude inhabitants of the Coast of Guinea.

If then we feel that this perpetual confinement in the fetters of brutal ignorance, would have been the greatest calamity which could have befallen us; if we view with gratitude and exultation the contrast between the peculiar bleffings we enjoy,

and