"There are three distant relations of mine now in the Weft "Indies, carried away by one Captain Cox, Captain of a "Danish fhip; their names as follow: Corpro, Banna, and "Morbour. These were taken out of my river Sierra Leone. "I know not how to get them back. I never hurt or de"prived any person of their right or property, or withheld "from them what is their due; fo I only let you know of "these lads, that there will be an account taken of them

one day or other.-I ever was partial to the people of "Great Britain, for which caufe I have put up with a great "deal of infults from them, more than I should from any other country."

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I will mention one other story, of fo horrible a nature as almost to exceed belief. It is the cafe of a fon who fold his own father, in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, for whom he got a confiderable price; for as the father was rich in the number of his domeftic flaves, it was not doubted that he would redeem himself almoft at any price. The old man accordingly fold twenty-two of his domeftic flaves, as the price of his ransom; and the reft of his domeftics, being from that time filled with apprehenfions of being on fome ground or other fold to the flave fhips, fled from the dwelling of their master, to the mountains of Sierra Leone, where they now drag on a miferable and precarious life. The fon himself was fold in his turn, foon after. In fhort, the whole of that unhappy peninfula, as I learn from eye-witneffes, has been defolated by the trade in flaves. Towns are seen standing without inhabitants, all along the coaft, in feveral of which our Agent has been. Every man is armed, if he stirs from home. Formerly the country was in a tate much nearer to civilization. The old men at Sierra Leone will tell you, that before the Slave Trade had rifen, there were even fome iron manufactories upon the coast: but every part acceffible to the flave ships, appears to have become a scene of defolation and ruin.

I hope, Sir, after what I have now faid, that the House will think me fully justified in confidering the prefent question, not as if it were the abolition of a trade, but as the abolition of

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fomething the most opposite to trade that can poffibly be conceived. Unfortunately, the Slave Trade has got the name o a trade, and many people have been deceived by the mere expreffion: fo far from being a trade, it is abfolutely the reverse of it! It is a war, it is not a trade. It is a crime, it is not a commerce. It is that which prevents the introduction of a trade into Africa, and this in a thousand ways, as I could easily prove, if I were not afraid of trefpaffing too far on the patience of this Committee. It is the most anti-commercial of any thing that can well be imagined; preventing even the introduction of thofe antecedent measures towards the establishment of a trade, which are in the first place necessary. I will mention one circumftance that has called up much of my attention, which might not commonly occur. The want of cultivation, as well as population, in thofe parts which would naturally be chofen for an European fettlement, is a circumftance that exceedingly aggravates the unhealthinefs of that climate. It is only by clearing and cultivating the lands that the climate can be made healthy, and it is the Slave Trade that, by difperfing the inhabitants of the coaft, and caufing the lands to remain uncultivated, makes the coaft at prefent much more unhealthy than the interior parts. In fhort, we have found, in attempting to fettle our little colony, that it is the Slave Trade which forms our chief difficulty; that it is an obftacle which oppofes itfelf to us in a thousand ways; that it creates more difficulty and embarraffiment than all the natural impediments, and is more hard to contend with than any difficulties of climate, foil, or natural difpofitions of the people.

I think I may fairly fay, therefore, that it is on commercial principles, and as wishing well to the commercial interest of this country, that I plead for its abolition.

Having faid fo much on the commercial part of this fubject, there is one other ground on which I will fay a few words; and I am the more induced to do it, because I think my Honourable Friend was rather fhort upon this part of his argument. I fpeak of the opinion of the people of this country, which has lately begun to fhew itself. I do not wish to turn this too much

Into a conftitutional queftion, being of opinion, that perhaps we are too apt in this House to confider every question we argue as some way affecting the conftitution. I will, however, make this plain obfervation, that it is of the utmoft confequence to the maintenance of the conftitution of this country, that the reputation of Parliament fhould be maintained. The peo

ple, and especially the more thinking and virtuous part of the community, confider this as a question that addresses itself to their confciences; and they are not likely to defift from petitioning this House. Nothing, therefore, can more prejudice the character of Parliament in the country. In no way can we give a greater handle to those who wish ill to the present conftitution, than by any vote of our's, that fhould imply, that the Legislative Body of this country is the more corrupt part of it. It is of the utmost importance that we should not be thought by our conftituents flow to adopt principles of juftice, or more deaf than they are themselves to the voice of humanity. The people have shown, by the terms which may be seen in their petitions, as well as the petitions themselves, that they do not confider this queftion merely in the light, in which the Honourable Gentlemen who spoke last, seemed to have confidered it; but they feel a guilt attaching itself to them, fo long as this trade lafts, and from this guilt it is, that they pray us, their representatives, to deliver them. It seems to me, in this view of the question, that it is a very ferious fubject indeed.

It has been fometimes infinuated, that Parliament, by interfering in this trade, departs from its proper functions. No ideal can be more abfurd or falfe than this. Why are we fent to Parliament? Is not the correction of abufes among all the fubjects over whom we have authority, the proper bufinefs of the Legiflature? To watch over the various abufes as they arife in the feveral profeffions of life, and to make from time to time fresh laws for their correction, is our proper, and even our daily and ordinary bufinefs. There are many evils, which, from their diftance or infignificance, escape our notice at first; but when they are grown into confequence, it is then that the Legiflature notices them, and thinks itself indispensibly bound to interfere. In every view of the subject, therefore, I moft heartily support

the

the motion of my Honourable Friend. I wifh for the Abolition of this Trade, Firft, as I have ftated, for the fake of the commercial honour, and the commercial interest of this country. I wish for its abolition alfo, because I wish to maintain the good fame and reputation of Parliament, on which fo materially depends the maintenance of our happy constitution; but moft of all I wish the Abolition of this Trade on thofe eternal principles of juftice, as well as humanity, to which nations, as well as individuals, are bound in all their conduct to conform themfelves.

Mr. VAUGHAN, in explanation. The Honourable Gentleman who spoke last supposes that I am a friend to Slavery. I faid I had fome property in the West Indies, and, being an elder fon, might have looked to the poffeffion of Negroes; but I declare I never had, nor ever will be poffeffed of a flave. As to the Slave Trade, I thought what I had faid might have explained my feelings. I would facrifice any thing to a prudent termination of both evils, for all perfons must wish that neither had commenced. I was anxious to protect abfent characters, and confined myself to parts which might, in the result, remove prejudices from the Colonists.

Mr. THORNTON, in reply to Mr. VAUGHAN. I have not meant, by any thing I have faid, to reflect perfonally on the Honourable Gentleman as a friend to flavery. On the contrary, I have wished rather to fay every thing that is respectful of both the Honourable Gentlemen. It is rather the Slave Trade, than favery, I have spoken against.

Colonel TARLETON. Sir, notwithstanding all the violence with which this motion was fupported last year; notwithstanding the indefatigable exertions of the Junto, fince that period, which are fully evinced by the pile of Petitions that have been placed upon the table; I shall not shrink from the question, but proceed

proceed to argue against a fpeculation which, if carried into effect, would, I conceive, prove highly prejudicial to the immediate and future interefts of this country; being ftrongly and firmly convinced that humanity, to become laudable and eítimable, must be tempered with justice.

I do not confider it neceffary, after the thorough investigation which this question has undergone, and the adjudication it received from a respectable majority of this Houfe laft year, again to enter into all the minutia, which are neceffarily implicated in so important a debate, and which have been already so amply discuffed; but I fhall touch upon the different prominent features, and shall never, I truft, lofe fight of that philanthropy which the Abolitionists fallaciously esteem to be their vantage-ground on this occafion. As I am one of those that do not think this fpeculation can, after the hearing and re-hearing it has already obtained, be prolonged to any inordinate length, especially when I recollect, that affairs of the greatest importance to this House and this Country have lately been voted by large majorities without enquiry, and almoft without difcuffion on the part of Adminiftration. Yet as one of the Reprefentatives of a great and flourishing commercial town, as a friend to the rights and property of many thousands of Manufacturers, Merchants, and Planters, and an Advocate likewife for Humanity, good Policy, and Justice, I will proceed briefly, and, I truft, clearly, to ftate thofe arguments which occur to me against the Abolition of the African Trade.

I fhall not now notice the Origin of the Trade; the fanction it has received from Parliament; the ftate of ignorance in which the natives of Africa are involved; the horrid defpotifm which pervades it, in consequence of that barbarism; dr compare the mild government of the Weft Indies, with the favage. tyranny of the Kings and Princes of Africa; but endeavour to point out the impolicy and impoffibility of abolishing the African Trade. The different States of Europe are, and have been for ages paft, folicitous to increase their Commerce, their Colonies, and their Slave Trade; and by experience have found, that the profperity of all depended upon the fuccefs of each. I need not enumerate the Portugueze, the Danes, the Dutch, the Spa