the fubject, I am defirous to establish a fair and impartial criterion between the two parties.

With the impreffion of the latter ftrong upon my mind, I fhall proceed to argue the question, and to lay before the Houfe the reasons, which convince my mind, that no regulation, fhort of an Abolition of the trade, will be effectual; and that a regulation, by any of those means which alone can be thought likely to have any effect, will prove infinitely more dangerous to the fecurity of the planters, both in their perfons and property, than the Abolition. I fhall not make any effort to prove, that the application of any regulations to the original grievance on the coast of Africa is impossible, because the truth there appears fo obvious, that I may almost take it as a conceffion of the opponent. For how is it poffible to ascertain the justice of the captivity of each individual, whom we force away into bondage? Can we eftablish tribunals all along the coaft, and in every ship, to enquire into the offences committed by each flave, and into the legality of the punishment? What judges can we find for fuch an office? But admitting, for the argument's fake, that we could invent fuch a tribunal, as might ascertain the right of the feller to the persons of those who are enflaved on the coaft, what expedient could we imagine to bring evidence of the juftice of the captivity, of by far the greater number, who were brought from great diftances inland? The impoffibility of fuch regulations is fo clear, that I fhall not wafte time in proving it. But before I pass to another part of the subject, I wish the Houfe to paufe, and recollect, that if it were indeed impoffible to do away the evil of this part of the trade, how ftrong, how evident, how invincible ought to be the neceffity pleaded for the continuance of what is irremediably unjust, in its foundation!

I fhall not dwell much upon the proof of the inefficacy of regulations as to the Middle Paffage. My Honouable Friend has fhown, that however the mortality might be abated in most of the fhips, by the regulations of Sir William Dolben's Bill, yet, wherever a contagious, diftemper happens to break out (and fuch in many inftances must always be expected) the greateft part of the cargo is fwept away, and the

average

average of deaths is by these inftances ftill kept up to a fhocking and enormous height.

What I would with principally to inculcate, is the im poffibility of applying regulations in the Weft Indies, with out more danger to the perfons and property of the planters, than would accrue by the Abolition, This part of the argu ment I am particularly defirous to inforce, because I know that upon this, and upon the state of the population in the iflands, the whole measure muft reft with those to whom we must look for a majority, with the perfons who admit the injustice, of the trade, but who believe, or at least fear, the danger and impolicy of an Abolition, My firft pofition here will be, that no regulations can be rendered effectual to the protection of the flave in the Weft Indies, which do not admit. the evidence of the Negro in a Court of Justice, My fecond, that to admit the evidence of a Negro in a Court of Justice will be infinitely more dangerous to the perfons and the pro perty of the Planters than the Abolition of the Trade. In the first place, I would with Gentlemen to confider what is to be done by regulation for the protection of the flave? Should it be enacted that the punishments be moderate? That the number of lashes be limited? The Colonial Legislature have already done as much as the magic of words alone can do upoŋ the subject. Yet the evidence upon the Table uniformly tends to prove, that in spite of this law, the only protection of the flave is in the clemency of the mafter; because the whites, being one or two in number on a plantation, the offence, however atro cious and inhuman, exifts not within the eye or reach of the law, though committed in the prefence of a hundred slaves, Befides, that by fplitting the offence, and inflicting the punish ment at intervals, the law is evaded, although the fact be within the reach of evidence, by the accidental prefence of a white man

I beg leave to advert to the evidence of Captain Cook, of the 89th regiment, and of Chief Justice Otley, as to this point; the former relating a hocking, inftance of reiterated punishment, in contempt of the law, within his own knowledge; the latter declaring, that he can devife no method of bringing a master, so offending, to justice, while the evi

dence

dence of the flave continues inadmiffible." But let councils of protection, and guardians of the flaves be appointed to watch over their welfare, and to restrain the mafter. This again is a well-founding expedient; but nugatory and abfurd in practice, For what perfons, refident in the islands, would be found, to whom that important and troublesome office could be intrusted, with a hope of a faithful discharge of its duties? Who is there, not only in the islands, but refident on every particular plantation, who will rifque the comfort of his life by the exercise of fo invidious an interference? But granting that men of fuck exalted and active beneficence could be found in the islands, as to facrifice all their time, and all the friendship of their equals and affociates, for the good of the flaves, what could they effect! Suppofe the Honourable Gentleman who brought forward the motion were deputed, an unwelcome, indeed, but in all probability a very vigilant guardian of the flaves, what protection would the law enable him to afford to the flave? Could he be prefent at all times, and at all places, at once? That would be a task too arduous even for this active philanthropy. Yet if that were not the cafe, the offence to be redreffed by him would require to be proved to him, and the fame difficulties of proof would ftand in the way of the guardian, as of any other tribunal.

I might urge many other arguments to prove that all regu lations must be ineffectual, fhort of the admiffion of the flave to give evidence. But to admit the flaves to give evidence in their prefent ftate of civilization, would be of the moft dangerous confequence to the fafety and the property of the Planters; and to admit the flaves to any of the rights of citizens, where they fo greatly out-number the whites, will be to make them in effect the mafters. One Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Vaughan) has faid, the flaves may be admitted to give evidence, leaving it to the judges to give weight, according to their discretion, to the depofitions. I confefs this appears to me to be fraught with a moft hazardous principle of difcontent; for how are the Negroes to be perfuaded, that it is fit they fhall be admitted to speak the truth, and then be disbelieved and disregarded? What a fermentation must such a conduct naturally excite in men difmiffed with injuries unredreffed, though abundantly proved, in

their

their apprehenfion, by their teftimony? If then it be proved that no regulations are likely to be effectual, and it has been admitted, that the evil calls in an imperious and irrefiftible manner for a remedy, there is no expedient left but an Abølition. That an Abolition of the Trade would not only be effectual, but fafe, and even beneficial to the Planters, has been irrefragably proved by the calculations of the state of po pulation by a Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Pitt), to which no answer has been even attempted to be given. And until fuch an attempt is made with fuccefs, I wish fuch Gentlemen (who I fear are many) as come down to vote, with a flight view of the, fabject, upon the affurances of fome of their friends (perhaps interested) who say that it is a dangerous expedient to abo lish the trade, would confider feriously how they can reconcile their consciences to juftify and continue the most horrible cruelty and injustice, upon a political neceffity, not maintained except by affertion, but refuted in the calculations, and abandoned in argument, even by thofe whofe authority they meant to follow in their decifion.

I could wish two defcriptions of perfons to give their attention to what I admit to be only an argument to their discretion, but to what appears to me to be a very forcible confideration, and one which in wifdom ought to have great weight and influence on their conduct. I wish the Planters to confider the great increafing progrefs, which the opinion of the injuftice of the Trade is making in the Nation at large, as manifefted by the Petitions, which had almoft obftructed the proceedings of the House by their perpetual introduction. They must begin to perceive, that it is no longer poffible to stifle the bufinefs in the birth, tha: offended Juftice will at length, with an uplifted arm, break down all oppofition, and that the minds of the reprefentatives would be found in union with the opinions of their conftituents. It is now, therefore, for them to fave their credit, and to take care that the retribution to the injured, Africans fhall not be made, without their concurrence. The other defcription of perfons, whofe attention I request. (and whom I have reafon to believe to be a large body) are

fuch

fuch as have been led to ascribe the agitation of this question to the fame spirit of abftract and impracticable equalization, which they dread to fee applied to the deftruction of order and good government in our invaluable Conftitution. If there be any perfons with this apprehenfion, they will do well to confider whether they had not better be in hafte to destroy that affociation, and by feparating the real evil from the imaginary grievance, to deftroy the credit which the latter may derive from being connected in opinion with the former. If they neglect to remedy a most abominable and crying abuse, against which every feeling of reason, religion, and even political wifdom, revolts with abhorrence, do they not play into the hands of those, who conftrue their dread of innovation on other occafions, into an obftinate refistance of truth, juftice, and expediency? ...I fhall now conclude with repeating a profeffion I formerly made, that I will never cease to promote the Abolition of the Slave Trade, with every faculty of body and mind, till the injuries of humanity are redreffed, and the national character relieved from the deepest disgrace that is recorded in the annals of mankind.

4

Mr. WHITBREAD. The fubject has undergone fo full and fair a difcuffion, and the arguments that have been urged to prove that the Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade is founded in principles of impolicy and injuftice, have fo compleatly failed of their effect, that I do not deem it neceffary to occupy much of the time of the Committee, and therefore fhall not long detain them. Could I conceive that the trade is, as fome have afferted it to be, founded on principles of humanity; 'could I conceive that the miferable Africans are refcued from death and torture in their own country, and that upon being carried to the West Indies, a happier clime and more luxuriant foil, they are put under the dominion of kind and humane mafters; that their toil is light, and their labour eafy; that their days are spent in healthy and pleafing occupation, and not confumed in dreary and oppreffive labour, and that at evening they return to their homes, chearfully to the fong and the dance, and re tile