LECT. I.]

ON THE RELATIONS OF SOCIETY

235

other places; and many of the brethren in the Lord, waxing confident by my bonds, are much more bold to speak the word without fear. Some, indeed, preach (npuoσovσiv) Christ even of envy and strife; and some also of good will: the one preach Christ of contention, not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds: but the other of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the Gospel. What then? notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached (katayyéλλetai); and therein do I rejoice, yea, and will rejoice" the terms ηpúσσw and KaтаYYÉλλw κηρύσσω καταγγέλλω not used in any technical sense, I apprehend, or having here the meaning of preach as usually understood; but simply conveying the idea, that St. Paul's imprisonment had excited a strong sensation (as we say in these days), and led to the discussion of the merits of the cause for which he suffered; one party assailing and vilifying it and him, and another party warmly defending both; and thus both parties, whether actuated by spite or by charity still serving by their disputes to spread the knowledge of Christ and to proclaim Him; a good result at all events, in which St. Paul rejoices. The passage, thus explained, holds out no sanction for heretical preaching, as it is often made to do. These commotions, which attended on the progress of the Gospel, and which we thus see had begun in the Apostles' days, increased in an enormous ratio, as it proceeded and gathered strength; and by consequence interfered more and more with all the habits, and arrangements, and laws, and occupations, and amusements of mankind so that the subject soon forced itself upon all who came within the range of its influence, whether they would or not it could not be blinked; and thus overran the world with a rapidity, which nothing could stop. The absence of the Christians from all public spectacles, from executions, their scruples about wearing garlands at a feast,* and ointments; their care about their own poor; their hesitation to take a heathen oath; their reluctance to burn their dead; their refusal to partake of meats which had

3

1 Philippians i. 12-18.

2 Clem. Alex. Pæd. III. c. xi. p. 298. 3 Athenagoras, Leg. pro Christianis, $ 35.

4 Clem. Alex. Pæd. II. c. viii. p. 213. p. 205.

5

6 Stromat. I. § i. p. 319.

7 Tertullian, De Idololatriâ, c. xvii.

De Coronâ, c. xi.; Epistle of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, Routh. Rel. Sacr. vol. i. p. 290.

3

been offered at heathen altars'; their objections to having their children taught at school heathen mythology2; their use on all occasions of the sign of the Cross, on their beds, on their persons; all these peculiarities and numbers more of the same kind, great and small, which might be mentioned, must have been so many challenges to the curiosity of the world they mixed with; must have drawn attention to them and their doctrines: the feeling which accompanied their march, go where they would, must have been more or less that of the people of Thessalonica, "these that have turned the world upside down are come hither also." We saw from Minucius, that the casual salutation of an image of Serapis was the primary cause of a discussion on the merits of Christianity and of the conversion which ensued; how much more likely would the casual crossing of the person (to take the least of the peculiarities of the Christians I enumerated) be a trifle calculated to lead to similar results!

The ordinary progress of the Gospel promoted through all these unobtrusive channels, must have been greatly accelerated by the frequent resort of the people in those days, in multitudes, to the public games. The mere union of persons from all quarters with little to do, whilst the games lasted, but to talk over the events of the day, was propitious to the diffusion of the knowledge of this rising sect. The case was similar in this respect to the feast of the Passover, and the effects were similar. We learn from St. John the active inquiries, which were made about Jesus by the crowds assembled at that feast. Many went out of the country up to Jerusalem before the Passover," and they "spake among themselves as they stood in the temple, what think ye, that he will not come to the feast?" 5 But in the case of these shows, there were other reasons why this topic, the dispersion of Christianity, should be eagerly and zealously discussed at them; such seasons being often chosen for the execution of the Christians, none other being better suited for making a public example. Thus we read, that the soldiers who had the custody of Ignatius were not content with simply discharging their office and conveying him to Rome, but were anxious to do so "before the

1 Minucius Felix, Octav. c. xxxviii.

2

c. xxii.

3 Tertullian, Ad Uxorem, II. c. v.

4 Acts xvii. 6.

John xi. 55, 56.

LECT. I.]

EFFECT OF THE PUBLIC GAMES.

"1

237 games were over; and it was at a great festival of this kind at Smyrna, that Polycarp was burned.2 And the voice which issued from aloft, when the old man entered the arena, "Be of good heart, and play the man, Polycarp," sustained as it was by the courageous carriage of the martyr, probably preached a sermon which made more converts, and circulated far more widely than appeared-lighted up a candle which would not readily be put out.

Acts of Ignatius, § v. considered genuine by Pearson, Vind. Ign. Part I.

cc. v., vi.

2 Acts of Polycarp, § ix.

LECTURE II.

The insinuation of Gibbon respecting the rank and character of the early Christians, originally advanced by the heathen opponents of Christianity, and answered by the Apologists. The fact, that many persons of wealth and education were Christians, proved, from the acquirements of the Fathers, from their specific assertion of it, from their addressing themselves to the rich and intelligent, from the fund at the disposal of the Church. Variety of demands upon the pecuniary resources of the Christians. Remarks on the Libellatici.

WE saw in the last Lecture that the authority of the

Fathers tends to establish the fact, that the Gospel was dispersed very widely indeed before Constantine, and that the numbers of the Christians were already very great; an inference to which they cannot minister without fairly winning for themselves our esteem, as being at least valuable contributors to the Evidences. But they have further claims on us of the same kind from the light they throw on the rank, condition, and character of the early Christians, a point to the illustration of which, I am anxious to make these Lectures tributary. For the sceptic, you are well aware, has used this weapon against the faith, and insinuated, that they consisted "almost entirely of the dregs of the populace, of peasants and mechanics, of boys and women, of beggars and slaves"; and that accordingly the Christian missionaries were as "loquacious and dogmatical in private", as they were slow to encounter philosophers and persons of education in debate.'

Now in the first place this accusation is almost or altogether founded on information supplied by the Fathers themselves; and it is scarcely credible that they would have volunteered it, had they thought it formidable to the cause they advocated. It has come down to us, in fact, as an objection found by them in infidel publications, to which they are replying, and which their replies have so far preserved, or as an objection, which in the treatises they sometimes drew up in the form of dialogues, they put into the mouths of their ignorant adver1 Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 372.

LECT. II.]

THE RANK OF THE CHRISTIANS

239 saries. Origen, e. g. gives it to Celsus in more places than one'; and Minucius Felix assigns it almost in the terms I have stated it in, and which are nearly those of Gibbon, to Cæcilius the Heathen antagonist of his friend Octavius.2 I need scarcely tell you, how very ill-informed on the affairs of the Christians these heathens are represented to have been; and how apt they were to undertake to refute them, without giving themselves any previous pains to master the character and tenets of those they were bent on overthrowing. Justin complains of this in the case of Crescens. The description he gives of him is this: "It is not fit to call the man a philosopher," says he, "testifying against us, as he does, publicly, facts of which he knows nothing; charging the Christians with being atheists and impious persons; and acting thus in order to curry favour with the multitude who have been led astray. For if he calumniates us without having read the precepts of Christ, he is utterly base, and worse than the boors; for they generally have scruples about talking and telling lies on subjects with which they are unacquainted. Or if he has read them, then he does not understand the majesty there is in them. Or if he understands this, and acts as he does in order that no suspicion may attach to himself, he is still more infamous and mean; for he is truckling to an ignorant and senseless prejudice, and to fear. "3 And Theophilus makes a similar complaint of Autolycus, the friend to whom he addresses his defence of the Christians; very greatly surprised that one who spared no pains in mastering all the profane and worthless books that came out, would give himself no trouble about the Christian writings1; and though, in other matters, he was so curious as to investigate them all with the utmost care, he should feel no concern about Christianity." And Origen expresses himself in very similar terms of Celsus, alleging that "whoever would examine the uniform purport of our Scriptures, would perceive that Celsus, whose hatred to the Christians was like that of the most ignorant vulgar, brought these charges of his against them without inquiry or regard for truth."6 It need not

therefore be a case for wonder, if, under such circumstances,

Origen, Contra Celsum, III. § 44. 2 Minucius Felix, c. viii.

Justin Martyr. Apol. II. § 3. Theophilus ad Autolycum, III. § 1 5 § 4.

6'Ανεξετάστως καὶ ψευδόμενος. Origen, Contra Celsum, III. § 53. See also V. § 20. Κέλσου μήτε νοήσαντος τὸ παρ' ἡμῖν γεγραμμένον, μήτε κρίσ ναι δυναμένου, κ.τ.λ.