Meaneft is as fafe from the Violence and Oppreffion of the Greateft, as good Laws and an impartial Execution of them can be hoped to make it. And for the Public Burthens we labour under, we have laid them on ourfelves, by Representatives of our own Choice, for Ufes, which we and our Fathers, very justly in the main, thought neceffary: In particular for the most important Ufe, of securing the Nation, from time to time, against the Mischief that now once more hangs over us: which if we at laft get rid of, all we have fpent is well laid out; and if we submit to, all is thrown away.

Still, there may doubtlefs have been Faults committed, in relation both to these and other Matters. But then, Part of the Faults commonly charged may be imaginary for we are all as fallible, as those whom we blame; and few of us in fo good a Situation for judging. Part may be of fmall confequence; and therefore no Ground for any great Refentment. Part may have arifen from our own Mifconduct, as much, if not more, than from that of our Superiors. Part again may have proceeded from excufable Miftakes or Infirmities of theirs; for which, as we need Allowance

in ourselves, we fhould make Allowance in others: especially in Princes, for the fame Reafon as in Parents; and to a fit Degree, in those also that are employed by them. But whencehave foever apprehended Grievances may come, we have legal, constitutional, peaceable Means for redreffing them; with uncontrolled Liberty to use those Means, if we will. And fuppofe they have not operated so speedily, or fo effectually, as we may wish: yet, if Force be used instead of them, upon may every Failure or Delay, especially when caused merely by Difference of Opinions amongst ourselves, no Society can ever fubfift. And if we are too corrupt a People, to expect any Good from mutual Perfuafion; much lefs can we expect it from mutual Violence.

Then laftly, as for our Religion; the leaft valued, I fear, yet infinitely the most valuable of all our Bleffings; and which guards and fences the reft, in a manner that nothing else can: our Religion, I fay, is undeniably the most rational and worthy of God, the most humane and beneficial to Men, the furtheft from being either tyrannical or burdenfome, the freest from Superftition, Enthusiasm, and Gloominefs, of any in the World. It is estaG4

blished

blished with fuch Care, that the Support of it is infeparable from that of the Civil Government: yet happily with fuch Moderation, as to bear hard on none who diffent from it. The Practice of it indeed, we must own, hath not been inforced on its Profeffors, fo generally or fo carefully as it ought, either by the Authority or the Example of those, whose Duty it is. Would to GOD it had! GOD grant it may! But ftill, they who have not duly excited Men to Piety, have not reftrained them from it: and every one's Difregard to it is principally chargeable on himself alone.

This I apprehend to be a true and a modest Account of our present Condition: for I have put the Advantages of it at the lowest, in order to fay nothing that can be difputed. And what are we to change it for, if the Attempt, now making, fhould fucceed? Indeed what have we to expect before it can fucceed, (for every one must be convinced, that it will not be tamely submitted to), but a wide and horrid View, in proportion as it makes a Progress, of Bloodshed in the Field and out of it, and of Ravage at the Pleasure of a rude and uncivilized People, to the imminent Hazard of every thing, and every Perfon, dear to us? Judg

ments,

ments, which this Island hath been long without experiencing: but how long, and how heavily it may groan under them now, unless a fpeedy Check be given to this Rebellion, God only knows. For a conquering Enemy, had he the Will, which is dreadful to trust to, hath often not the Power of restraining the Defolations of Fire and Sword, when once they are begun.

But suppose this Beginning of Sorrows over: what must follow?

With regard to our Civil Concerns: How large Numbers are there, who have no other Security for a confiderable Part, it may be the Moft, or the Whole of their Property, than the Continuance of the Government now in being; in whofe Hands it actually is? And fhould that Government fail: as it cannot be hoped, that what hath been lent for its Support, and proved one of its main Supports, will be regarded very favourably by those who come to overturn it; how terrible may the Diftreffes of fuch Perfons be, and how much farther than themselves must they extend? To all their Domestics, all their Dependants, all that have Dealings or Concerns with them. What Multitudes are there again, whofe For

tunes

tunes are intirely, or principally, built on Royal Grants, judicial Determinations, or Acts of the Legislature, made within the last six-andfifty Years? which, in cafe of a Change, will all become questionable, as done by incompetent Authority, and lie at the Mercy of we know not whom. The Perfon, who now threatens us, comes attended with a large and an indigent Train of Followers, collected from each of the Three Nations, who will think, and do their utmost to make him think, that the long Sufferings of many of them, and the prefent dangerous Services of many more, can never be rewarded with sufficient Bounty. And when Revenge, and Poverty, and Avarice, are fet on work together, what Forfeitures may be claimed, what Mifdemeanors and Treasons charged, in a Nation, which will be looked on as the Whole of it involved in Treason, for so many Years paft; or how unfairly the plaineft Laws in our Favour may be interpreted to admit of fuch Attempts, or even wrefted to ferve them; which of us all can so much as guefs, or who can be affured of his own Safety?

. But befides thefe Hazards to the Properties and the Lives of particular Perfons, in what

State