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Memoirs of Leonardo Aretino.

he maintained, that ministers in a state of mortal sin cannot effectually administer the sacraments, and that, on the contrary, any other person may do it, provided he be in a state of grace. 4. That by the Church, ought not to be understood the Pope, Cardinals, Archbishops, and Clergy; and that this is a wicked definition invented by the schoolmen. 5. That the Church ought not to possess temporalities; and that secular Lords may take them away from the ecclesiastics with impunity. 6. That all Priests are of equal authority, and that consequently the ordinations and casualties reserved to the Popes and Bishops are the mere effect of their ambition. 7. That the Church has no longer the power of the keys, when the Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, and all the Clergy, are in a state of mortal sin, which is a contingency which may happen.*

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withdrew from Constance, in the disguise of a postillion, and took shelter in the city of Schaffhausen.‡

Leonardo seems to have foreseen, or to have been informed of, the approach of this crisis. He quitted Constance a few days before his master, and arrived at Florence on the 14th of March, 1415.§ Here he found so much pleasure in the prosecution of his studies, and in the renewal of his intercourse with his ancient friends, that, to adopt his own expression, he was almost grateful to the storms, which had thus driven him into a haven of security and rest.||

Leonardo was endued with a mind of uncommon activity, and did not suffer a day to pass in idleness. He was no sooner settled in his native country, and freed from the laborious occupations of the Pontifical chancery, than he determined to avail himself of this season of leisure to comIt will readily be believed, that in pose a work, which might be the an age of religious ignorance and means of preserving his memory to intolerance, and in the head-quarters future ages; and, after due deliberaof bigotry, propositions thus founded tion, chose for his subject the History on plain common sense, excited gene- of Florence. Though, when he had ral indignation against their unfortu- advanced a little way in the prosecunate promulgator. Huss had been tion of his design, he began to be arrested before the arrival of Sigis- alarmed at the magnitude of his unmund. Immediately on the Empe- dertaking, yet so great was his zeal, and ror's coming to Constance, the friends so exemplary his diligence, that he of the Reformer (for friends he had, finished it in the space of nine months. who did not desert him in this hour of It bears, however, no marks of haste. need) called upon that monarch to vin- In the narration of events, it evinces dicate his insulted authority, and to a lucid order; in style, it is at once set the captive at liberty. But, to elegant and forcible, and the sentihis everlasting disgrace, Sigismund ments with which it is interspersed are winked at the violation of his safe-worthy of a virtuous man, and of the conduct, and left the Bohemian to his fate.+

The Pontiff, however, was disappointed in his expectations, that these proceedings against Huss would operate as a diversion in his own favour. He found his difficulties daily increasing, and at length perceiving that he was virtually a prisoner in his own palace, where he was surrounded and strictly watched by the emissaries of Sigismund, he at length determined to escape by flight. In this enterprise he was assisted by the Duke of Austria, who, to facilitate the means of his evasion, gave a grand tournament on the 20th of March, during the bustle and tumult of which, his Holiness

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citizen of a free state. Leonardo has, however, been accused by Vossius, and perhaps justly, of dwelling too much on foreign transactions, and touching too lightly the domestic discussions of the Florentine republic.¶ His history commences with the foundation of the colony of Fæsculæ by Sylla, and is brought down to the end of the year 1402.

John XXII. in all probability entertained hopes, that by withdrawing from the council, he should embarrass the proceedings of that assembly, which in his absence would be regarded by Christendom in general, as a body without a head. If this was the case, he was soon convinced of the

|| Leon. Aret. Epist. lib. iv. ep. 11.
Vossius de Hist. Lat. p. 554.

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futility of his expectations. Encouraged by the Emperor, the assembled fathers declared themselves independent of his Holiness, and shortly afterwards proceeded solemnly to depose him from his sacred office. This bold step filled John with alarm. It has been already related, that on his escape from Constance, he had repaired to Schaffhausen. When he was apprised of the decisive measures which were meditated against him, thinking himself no longer safe in this latter place, he suddenly quitted it, and took shelter in Lauffenburg, from whence, in the course of a little time, his fears drove him to Friburg, a city of considerable strength belonging to his partizan, the Duke of Austria. But that prince having made his peace with the Emperor, the Pontiff was compelled to quit this place of refuge, and was conveyed, in the custody of the officers of Sigismund, to Ratolfcell, a small town at about the distance of a German league from Constance. Here a deputation from the council speedily waited on him, who announced to him his deposition, in which the necessity of his circumstances compelled him to acquiesce; and he was soon afterwards conveyed as a prisoner to the fortress of Gotleben.*

What must have been the feelings of the fallen Pontiff, when he found, immured in the same prison with himself, the victim of his cold-blooded cruelty, the Reformer Huss! If sympathy in misfortune excited in his breast any sentiments of compassion towards his victim, they were fruitless and unavailing. The council relentlessly pursued their process against the heretic. In the fifteenth session of that assembly, which was held on the 6th of July, 1415, he was condemned to die the death of a martyr. Being conducted from the tribunal to the stake, he was not overpowered by the fear of death. He maintained his principles with firmness to the last, and perished, exulting in the goodness of the cause for which he was doomed to suffer.†

When Huss was first arrested by the agents of the Pontiff, his friend and associate, Jerome of Prague, had hastened to Constance, to yield him the requisite assistance and support.

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Jerome, however, soon took alarm at the perils by which he was surrounded, and attempted to save himself by flight. Being taken and brought back to Constance, his resolution failed him, and on the 15th of December, 1415, he read in full council a retractation of his imputed errors. But this did not satisfy his enemies, who, being determined on his destruction, loaded him with fresh accusations. This new act of injustice seems to have roused the spirit of the Reformer; and to have nerved him to the utmost energy of active and of suffering virtue. The process of his trial and execution is faithfully and forcibly described in the following letter, addressed to Leonardo, by his friend Poggio Bracciolini, who, having continued at Constance after the deposition of his master, was a witness of the skill and power of his defence, and of his constancy in the endurance of torture,

"Soon after my return from Baden to Constance, the cause of Jerome of Prague, who was accused of heresy, came to a public hearing. The purport of my present letter is to give you an account of this trial, which must of necessity be a matter of considerable interest, both on account of the importance of the subject, and the eloquence and learning of the defendant. I must confess that I never saw any one, who, in pleading a cause, especially a cause, on the issue of which his own life depended, approached nearer to that standard of ancient eloquence, which we so much admire. It was astonishing to witness with what choice of words, with what closeness of argument, with what confidence of countenance, he replied to his adversaries. So impressive was his peroration, that it is a subject of great concern, that a man of so noble and excellent a genius should have deviated into heresy. On this latter point, however, I cannot help entertaining some doubts. But far be it from me, to take upon myself to decide in so important a matter. I shall acquiesce in the opinion of those who are wiser than myself. Do not, however, imagine that I intend to enter into the particulars of this cause. shall only touch upon the more remarkable and interesting circumstances, which will be sufficient to give you an idea of the learning of the man. Many 4 F

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things having been alleged against the prisoner, as proofs of his entertaining heretical notions, and the council being of opinion that the proof was sufficiently strong to warrant further investigation, it was ordered that he should publicly answer to every particular of the charge. He was accordingly brought before the council. But when he was called upon to give in his answers, he for a long time refused so to do; alleging, that he ought to be permitted to speak generally in his defence, before he replied to the false imputations of his adversaries. This indulgence was, however, denied him. Upon which, standing up in the midst of the assemblyWhat gross injustice is this! exclaimed he, that though for the space of three hundred and forty days, which I have spent in filth and fetters, deprived of every comfort, in prisons situated at the most remote distances from each other, you have been continually listening to my adversaries and slanderers, you will not hear me for a single hour! The consequence of this is, that while on the one hand, every one's ears are open to them, and they have for so long a time been attempting to persuade you that I am a heretic, an enemy to the true faith, a persecutor of the clergy; and on the other hand, I am deprived of every opportunity of defending myself: you have prejudged my cause, and have, in your own minds, condemned me, before you could possibly become acquainted with my principles. But, says he, you are not gods, but men, not immortals, but mortals, liable to error, and subject to imperfection. We are taught to believe that this assembly contains the light of the world, the prudent men of the earth. You ought, therefore to be unremittingly careful not to do any thing rashly, foolishly, or unjustly. I indeed, who am pleading for my life, am a man of little consequence; nor do I say what I do say through anxiety for myself (for I am prepared to submit to the common lot of mortality) but I am prompted by an earnest desire, that the collective wisdom of so many eminent men may not, in my person, violate the laws of justice. As to the injury done to myself, it is comparatively of trifling consequence, but the precedent will be pregnant with future mischief. These, and

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many other observations, he made with great eloquence; but he was interrupted by the murmurs and clamour of several of his auditors. It was decreed, that he should first answer to the charges exhibited against him, and afterwards have free liberty of speech. The heads of the accusation were accordingly read from the desk. When, after they had been proved by testimony, he was asked whether he had any remarks to make in his defence; it is incredible with what skill and judgment he put in his answers. He advanced nothing unbecoming a good man; and, if his real sentiments agreed with his professions, he was so far from deserving to die, that his principles did not even give just ground for the slightest offence. He denied the whole impeachment, as a fiction invented by the malice of his enemies. Among others, an article was read, which accused him of being a detractor of the Apostolic see, an oppugner of the Roman Pontiff, an enemy of the Cardinals, a persecutor of Prelates, and an adversary of the Christian Clergy. When this charge was read, he arose, and stretching out his hands, he said in a pathetic tone of voice, Fathers! to whom shall I have recourse for succour? Whose assistance shall I implore? Unto whom shall I appeal, in protestation of my innocence?-Unto you?-But these my persecutors have prejudiced your minds against me, by declaring that I entertain hostility against all my judges. Thus have they artfully endeavoured, if they cannot reach me by their imputations of error, so to excite your fears, that you may be induced to seize any plausible pretext to destroy your common enemy, such as they most falsely represent me to be. Thus, if you give credit to their assertion, all my hopes of safety are lost. He caused many to smart by the keenness of his wit, and the bitterness of his reproaches. Melancholy as the occasion was, he frequently excited laughter, by turning to ridicule the imputations of his adversaries. When he was asked what were his sentiments concerning the sacrament, he replied, that it was by nature bread; but that at the time of consecration, and afterwards, it was the true body of Christ, &c. according to the strictest orthodoxy. Then some one said, But it is

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reported that you have maintained,
that there remains bread after conse-
cration. True, said Jerome, there re-
mains bread at the baker's. When
one of the order of preaching friars
was railing against him with uncom-
mon asperity, he said to him, " Hold
thy peace, hypocrite." When ano-
ther swore by his conscience, "This,"
said he, "is a very safe mode of deceiv-
ing."
One man, who was particularly
inveterate against him, he never ad-
dressed but by the title of ass or dog. |
As, on account of the number and im-
portance of the articles exhibited
against him, the cause could not be
determined at that sitting, the court
was adjourned to another day, on
which the proofs of each article of im-
peachment were read over, and con-
firmed by more witnesses. Then he
arose and said," Since you have at-
tended so diligently to my adversaries,
I have a right to demand that you
should also hear me with patience."
Though many violently objected to this
demand, it was at length conceded to
him, that he should be heard in his
defence.

"He then began by solemnly praying
to God, so to influence his mind, and
so to inspire his speech, that he might
be enabled to plead to the advantage
and salvation of his soul. He then
proceeded
thus-I know, most
learned judges, that many excellent
men have been most unworthily dealt
with, overborne by false witnesses,
and condemned by the most unjust
judgments. Illustrating this position
by particular instances, he began with
Socrates, who was unjustly condemn-
ed by his countrymen, and who could
not be persuaded by the dread of the
most formidable evils, imprisonment
and death, to avail himself of an op-
portunity which was presented to him
of escaping out of custody. He then
proceeded to mention the captivity of
Plato, the torments endured by Anax- |
agoras and Zeno, and the unjust con-
demnations of many other Gentiles
the banishment of Rutilius, the unme-
rited death of Boetius, and of others
mentioned in the writings of that au-
thor. He then passed on to the in-
stances which are recorded in the Jew-
ish history-and in the first place, he
observed, that Moses, the deliverer
and legislator of the Jews, was fre-
quently calumniated by his own coun-
trymen, as a seducer and contemner

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of the people. He also instanced Jo-
seph, who was sold to slavery, in con-
sequence of the envy of his brethren,
and afterwards imprisoned under a
groundless suspicion of incontinence.
Besides these, he enumerated Isaiah,
Daniel, and almost all the prophets,
who were calumniated and persecuted,
as despisers of God and sowers of se-
dition. He also alluded to the trial of
Susannah, and of many others, who,
notwithstanding the integrity of their
lives, perished by unjust sentences.
"Coming down to the time of John the
Baptist and our Saviour, he observ-
ed, that all agreed that they were un-
justly condemned, upon false charges,
supported by false witnesses. He next
quoted the case of Stephen, who was
put to death by the priests; and re-
minded the assembly that all the apos-
tles were condemned to die, as sedi-
tious movers of the people, contemners
of the gods, and workers of iniquity.
He maintained that it was a scanda-
lous thing that one priest should be
unjustly condemned by another; that
it was still more scandalous, that a
college of priests should be guilty of
this crime; and that it was most scan-
dalous of all, that it should be perpe-
trated by a general council. Never-
theless, he proved from history that
these circumstances had actually oc-
curred. Upon these topics he enlarg-
ed in so impressive a manner, that
every body listened to him with fixed
attention. But as the weight of every
cause rests upon the evidence by
which it is supported, he proved, by
various arguments, that no credit was
due to the witnesses who deposed
against him, more especially, as they
were instigated to give evidence a-
gainst him by hatred, malevolence,
and envy. He then so satisfactorily
detailed the causes of the hatred, which
he imputed to his prosecutors, that he
almost convinced his judges of the rea-
sonableness of his objections against
their testimony. His observations
were so weighty, that little credit
would have been given to the depo-
sitions of the witnesses for the prose-
cution, in any other cause except in a
trial for heresy.

"He moreover added, that he had voluntarily come to the council, in order to defend his injured character, and gave an account of his life and studies, which had been regulated by the laws of duty and of virtue. He

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and entreating them to suffer him to speak, since this was the last time they would hear him. He was never terrified by the murmurs of his adversaries, but uniformly maintained the firmness and intrepidity of his mind.

remarked, that holy men of old were | He then continued his speech, begging accustomed to discuss their differences of opinion in matters of belief, not with a view of impugning the faith, but of investigating the truth-that St. Augustine and St. Jerome had thus differed in opinion, and had upon some points even held contrary sentiments, without any suspicion of heresy. All the audience entertained hopes that he would either clear himself by retracting the heresies which were objected to him, or supplicate pardon for his errors. But he maintained that he had not erred, and that therefore he had nothing to retract.

"It is a wonderful instance of the strength of his memory, that though he had been confined three hundred and forty days in a dark dungeon, where it was impossible for him to read, and where he must have daily suffered from the utmost anxiety of mind, yet he quoted so many learned writers in defence of his opinions, and supported his sentiments by the authority of so many doctors of the church, that any one would have been led to believe, that he had devoted all the time of his imprisonment to the peaceful and undisturbed study of philosophy. His voice was sweet, clear, and sonorous; his action dignified, and well adapted either to express indignation, or to excite compassion, which however he neither asked nor wished for. He stood undaunted and intrepid, not merely contemning, but, like another Cato, longing for death, He was a man worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance. I do not commend him for entertaining

"He next began to praise John Huss, who had been condemned to the flames; calling him a good, just, and holy man, a man who had suffered death in a righteous cause. He professed that he himself also was prepared to undergo the severest punishment with an undaunted and constant mind, declaring that he snbmitted to his enemies, and to witnesses who had testified such shameful falsehoods; who would, however, on some future day, give an account of what they had said, to a God who could not be deceived. When Jerome made these declarations, the assembly was affected with the greatest sorrow; for every body wished, that a man of such extra-sentiments hostile to the constitution ordinary talents should repent of his errors, and be saved. But he persisted in his sentiments, and seemed to court destruction.

"Dwelling on the praises of John Huss, he said, that he had entertained no principles hostile to the constitution of the holy church, and that he only bore testimony against the abuses of the clergy, and the pride and pomp of prelates for that since the patrimony of the church was appropriated first to the poor, then to strangers, and lastly to the erection of churches, good men thought it highly improper that it should be lavished on harlots, entertainments, dogs, splendid garments, and other things unbecoming the religion of Christ. It may be mentioned as the greatest proof of Jerome's abilities, that though he was frequently interrupted, and was teased by some people who cavilled at his expressions, he replied to them all, and compelled them either to blush or to be silent. When the clamour incommoded him, he ceased speaking, and sometimes réproved those who disturbed him.

of the church; but I admire his learning, his extensive knowledge, the suavity of his eloquence, and his ability in reply. But I am afraid that all these endowments were bestowed on him by nature, in order to effect his destruction.

"As he was allowed two days for repentance, several learned men, and amongst the rest the Cardinal of Florence, visited him, with a view of persuading him to change his sentiments, and turn from the error of his ways. But as he pertinaciously persisted in his false notions, he was condemned as guilty of heresy, and consigned to the flames. No stoic ever suffered death with such constancy of mind. When he arrived at the place of execution, he stripped himself of his garments, and knelt down before the stake, to which he was soon after tied with wet ropes and a chain. Then great pieces of wood, intermixed with straw, were piled as high as his breast, When fire was set to the pile, he began to sing a hymn, which was scarcely interrupted by the smoke and

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