MR. HUSKISSON.

comme à l'unique appui de cette égalité dont ils jouissent, et à l'unique sauve-garde de leurs propriétés nouvelles !"-vol. iii. p. 646.

The writer of the biographical memoir is in error when he ascribes to Mr. Huskisson the clear views of finance which Mr. Canning, to the surprise of every body, unfolded in the debate on my ever to be lamented friend Horner's Resolutions on the Report of the Bullion Committee. The truth is, I had early directed my attention to the subject of finance; I confess with a view to official advantage; and having been a member of the committee, had not only assisted in drawing up the Report, but had published two anonymous pamphlets, one with reference to the Report, the other on our financial system in general, of which I sent early copies to Mr. Canning, who, I may without idle arrogance add, made flattering acknowledgments of the service they rendered him. As even now, notwithstanding all that has been said and written, not three members of either house understand a single sound principle finance, I will explain what my notions are.*

of

I will not now enter into a discussion of the merits of the Huskisson system of commercial policy. It would be impossible to do them justice in a short space--and besides they properly belong to history, which ever will hold up Mr. Huskisson to the gratitude and admiration of his countrymen, as the wisest and ablest minister that has presided over the commerce of England. Every body knows that Mr. Huskisson was what is called a "free trade theorist," and every body ought to know-and some fine day of the school master, A. D. 2001, perhaps will know, that if he was not, he would not deserve to be the theme of the eulogy of the most enlightened men of modern times. All that senseless clamour and vituperation which has been heaped so lavishly on the doctrines of free trade, by pert babblers who knew not the meaning of the word they chattered about, has passed away; and men begin to see through the mist of ignorance and prejudice which so long obscured simple facts, that in the words of Adam Smith, not only "in every country it always is and must be, the great interest of the people to buy whatever they want of those who sell it cheapest," (the best definition of free trade that has been given,) but that the defects which still cling to parts of our commercial policy, are not the consequence of free trade principles being pushed too far-but of these principles not being pushed far enough. It is true-and no man was more alive to the truth than Mr. Huskisson-that a perfect freedom of trade is a philosophical vision, which, under the existing relations of the kingdoms of the earth, can never be realised this side the millennium. All that can be done is to make it a general rulethe exception only to be those of uncontrollable circumstances. In England, for example, such circumstances impede its way at every application-witness her debt, and her luxurious habits, and her overgrown fortunes, and her bloated monopolies, and her huge Leviathan capitals; and the point in which Mr. Huskisson displayed sagacity and statemanship above all other economists -my honoured friend Sir Henry Parnell for instance-was his distinguishing what was accidental and temporary, from what was permanent, in those circumstances. This made him cautious where our "closet metaphysicians" would rashly overlook all obstacles in the application of theoretical principles; -and made him confident and inflexible where men with less foresight were alarmed and almost scared back into the "good old protective duty system of Referring the reader to the speeches themselves-particularly our ancestors." that on the silk trade in 1826, by far his greatest effort, and indeed the most effective speech on the subject ever delivered in parliament, for the data on which Mr. Huskisson triumphantly justified his change in our commercial system. I will quote a passage from a pamphlet of Mr. Huskisson's on the

At

We shall be happy to avail ourselves on a "more fitting occasion," as they say in Parliament, of our respected correspondent's exposition of his view of finance. present our limits prevent our inserting it.

currency, published in 1810, as in the first place a most favourable specimen of his powers of composition, and in the next place, as indicating how early he saw the national advantages of free trade principles :

"The mind and faculties of man are constantly engaged in pursuit of his own happiness, and in multiplying the means of subsistence, comfort and enjoyment. Trade, which effects the exchange of a part of the production of the toil, industry and talent of any country, against those and the soil, industry and talent of other countries, is the great excitement of multiplying these means. By the aid of this exchange, not only those natural productions which Providence has distributed in abundance in one portion of the globe, and refused to some other, are rendered common to all but the soil of every country, and of every portion of every country, is left at liberty to be cultivated principally, or wholly, if necessary, in rearing those productions for which it is best calculated and adapted; those which by experience it has been known to afford of the best quality, in the greatest abundance, and at the least expense of capital and labour. Labour and capital employed in manufactures is enabled to avail itself of local situations and natural advantages, (for instance a stream or a coal mine), and to adapt itself exclusively to those pursuits in which, from any peculiar disposition, dexterity, ingenuity, or fortuitous discovery, the people of any particular country, or any particular part of them, may excel. The advantage derived from the division of labour is well known. What is effected by the operation of that principle, for a single undertaking, is, by the aid of commerce, effected for the whole world. Commerce enables the population of each separate district to make the most of its peculiar advantages, whether derived from nature, or acquired by the application of industry, talent and capital; to make the most of them for its own consumption; leaving at the same time the greatest possible remainder to be given in exchange for any other commodities produced more easily, more abundantly, or of better quality, in other districts of the world. It is thus that a country is enriched by commerce."

I now come to what I conceive to be the blot-the "drachm of base" in Mr. Huskisson's public character-I mean his cringing for office under the Duke of Wellington. Mr. Canning was in heart and soul his warmest political and private friend; of which a more lively testimony need not be cited than the short notice addressed by him to Mrs. Huskisson, before going to bed the night of the debate on the silk trade.

"Having written to the King, I cannot reconcile it to my sense of duty to go to bed without writing to you, to congratulate you on Huskisson's exhibition of to-night. I do assure you, without the smallest compliment or exaggeration, that he has made one of the very best speeches that I ever heard in the House of Commons: a speech decisive for ever of his character and reputation, both as a statesman and an orator. It was of the very first rate—and as such I wish you joy of it with all my heart.

Most sincerely yours,

"GEORGE CANNING."'

vol. i. p. 119. On the formation of Lord Goderich's ricketty administration, Mr. Huskisson declared that "no power on earth should induce him to unite himself in office with the destroyers of his friend Canning," and again, when asked to retain office under the Duke, he declared to his late Majesty that "the wounds were too green and fresh for him to think of his uniting himself in office with those who had deserted the service of the country, in order to thwart his friend Canning's administration." I will not say, that under no circumstances should he, after such emphatic declarations, have "united himself in office with the destroyers of his friend,"-that admits of discussion-I only know, that no circumstances should induce me in a like predicament;-but this I will say, that he should not have accepted the seals of the colonies but on his own terms, and upon an explicit guarantee, that his own and the Canning policy should be strictly adhered to by the Duke's government. Did he make his own terms? did he

MR. HUSKISSON.

obtain this guarantee? He at least insinuated as much on the hustings at Liverpool, only as it seems, to receive the most insulting and arrogant denial from his commander, that ever the Duke of Wellington offered to his obedient subalterns. Now admitting that Mr. Huskisson did not state at Liverpool, that he had received a guarantee from the Duke, that his political principles should be those acted upon by his new colleagues,-and I know he did state as much-how could he allow himself to be thus treated, with marked scorn, by an administration of which he was himself by far the most efficient member? either he had, or he had not received a guarantee: if he had, why not indignantly throw up office, after the insulting denial of the Duke of Wellington: if he had not, how could he presume to justify, for a moment, " uniting himself in office with those who had deserted the public service," out of hatred and jealousy of the master genius of his friend Canning. There is no escaping out of this dilemma, without loss of honour, mouth it and twist it as we may. The truth is as I befure remarked, there was at all times a "screw loose" in Huskisson's political and moral inflexibility. He was naturally inclined to the good and the upright, but a sycophantic hankering after intimacy with the great Corinthian capitals of the "order," and an insatiable craving after office, prevented his being able to resist any very tempting opportunity of gratifying both passions. Before the Duke of Wellington in particular, his moral genius ever seemed to waver; as if the military laurels of that great captain, but most impotent and self-willed minister, stifled in his mind the consciousness that his own services to the state were not of at least equal weight in the national balance. The whole of the correspondence, on his ignominious expulsion from office by the Duke, is humiliating; its cringing, spaniel tone increases as the arrogance of the Premier becomes more and more insulting. He made some amends, however, in his concluding speech in explanation to the house, after all hopes of being taken back to service were crushed by the appointment of General Murray to his office. shall quote it, for an unusually spirited passage, containing a powerful invective against the ultra Tories of the Eldon school.

I

Notwithstanding the self and mutual gratulations of the enemies to all improvement; in spite of the blundering zeal of some of that party who find in the present removal of myself and my political friends from office, the only adequate apology which the head of the government can make to them for having admitted us at allwho libel the noble Duke by stating, that they are willing to excuse him because we may have been useful just at first;' in spite of the boisterous exultation, and venerable buffooneries displayed at that meeting, which once a year congregates to attempt a fraud upon the ignorance of the living, and to pronounce a libel upon the memory of the illustrious dead-I say, Sır, in spite of these boisterous exultations, so suddenly substituted for the loud and bitter wailings recently vented from the same quarter, over the progress of religious liberty in this country, and the manifestation of a desire, at least in this House, to extend to Ireland the same blessing-I say, Sir, in spite of all these signs of the times-these untoward omens,-I cannot believe that the triumph of that party is so complete, or so secure, as they anticipate.

Knowing the sentiments of my right hon. friend at the head of the Administration in this House,-knowing that, with the single exception of the Catholic question, his opinions and principles upon all questions of public policy have hitherto been in strict unison with my own,-knowing the feelings and views which prevail, at least in this House of Parliament, 1 cannot believe, whatever doctrines I hear laid down by the pretended admirers of discipline and vigour, that my right hon. friend is prepared to subscribe to the principles of those who advocate these doctrines. I cannot believe that he is prepared to admit that the real and substantive power of the state should be wielded according to the dictation of an unknown junta abjuring for valid reasonsreasons which no man who knows them will call in question-all ostensible and responsible stations in the councils of the country, but claiming a veto upon the measures of those who are responsible, and a right to proscribe those whom they do not like ;-I cannot believe that my right hon. friend is prepared to uphold the power of such a party

By" venerable buffooneries" Mr. Huskisson meant Lord Eldon and "One cheer more" antics at the so called Pitt Club' dinner.

against the power of public opinion;-I cannot believe that he thinks with them, that the great business of legislation is to arrest the progress of improvement, and to counteract the growth of intelligence ;-I cannot believe that he looks with the same jealous eye as they do at the spread of that intelligence ;-I cannot believe that he is afraid, as they are, of its example in other countries, and that with them he dreads the interchange of mind between the different parts of the civilized world, almost as much as they dread a more liberal and free interchange of the advantages of commerce.-I cannot believe that, with them, he would gladly pay the price of lowering this country to the fifth or sixth station among the powers of Europe, if by so doing they could enforce generally over the world the principles of the Holy Alliance, and subject the political institutions and the civil rights of nations, the moral influence of free discussion and a free press upon the expansive mind of man, to the perpetual tutelage of a junta of continental statesmen, of the same school as themselves, but backed and supported by the great armies of Europe. I cannot believe that he has such a dread of all improvement, as to think that it would be cheaply repelled from this country, by the adoption of such a system as this. Neither can I think that he believes it would be safe to make the attempt."-vol. iii. p. 345.

As a specimen of his talent for humour, I think the following curious:Fraternal Dialogue between John Bull and his brother Jonathan. (date, July, 1825.)

JONATHAN.-You are a very good and constant customer John, at my shop, for flour, hoops, staves, and many other articles of my trade; you are good pay, and I am always glad to deal with you.

JOHN.-I believe all you say-I wish to continue a good customer; but I must say your mode of dealing with me is rather hard. Every time I travel to, or send to your shop (Sunday or not), I am obliged to pay double toll at the turnpike-gate, which is close before it.

JONATHAN. You need not take that trouble. I prefer sending my goods to my customers by my own porters, and as they are always ready and punctual in delivering the packages, I do not see why you should complain.

JOHN. I complain because my own cart and horses have nothing to do, and my people are upon the poor rate, whilst I am paying you for porterage. I will not go on in this way.

'JONATHAN.-Well! we will consider of it next Christmas, when the partners in our firm meet to talk over the concern.

'John remains patient for another year, when, finding the Sunday toll still continued, he asks what brother Jonathan and his firm have decided. (July, 1826.)

JONATHAN. We have resolved to grant a new lease of the tolls, without making any alteration in the terms.

JOHN. You have! then I withdraw my custom.

JONATHAN. The devil you do! (aside.) We mistook him for a more patient ass than he proves to be. How shall we contrive to bring him back to our shop?'--vol. i. p. 118.

There is just room left to quote the grounds on which Mr. Huskisson voted for the transfer of the franchise of East Retford to Manchester.

"I shall regret this success, because I cannot help thinking, that it will be at variance with the sentiments generally entertained by the sound and intelligent part of the community :—I shall regret this success, because I am convinced that it will increase, in the public mind, the feeling which already exists in favour of Parliamentary Reform-I shall regret this success, because I feel that it will ensure the adoption of a course, which must pave the way for a measure so fatal in its consequences as a general Parliamentary Reform."-vol. i. pp. 182, 183.

FOUR OLD MAIDS.

66

BY THE AUTHOR OF ATHERTON," TRUCKLEBOROUGH HALL," &c.

I LOVE an old maid;-I do not speak of an individual but of the species, I use the singular number, as speaking of a singularity in humanity. An old maid is not merely an antiquarian, she is an antiquity; not merely a record of the past, but the very past itself, she has escaped a great change, and sympathizes not in the ordinary mutations of mortality. She inhabits a little eternity of her own. She is Miss from the beginning of the chapter to the end. I do not like to hear her called Mistress, as is sometimes the practice, for that looks and sounds like the resignation of despair, a voluntary extinction of hope. I do not know whether marriages are made in Heaven, some people say that they are, but I am almost sure that old maids are. There is a something about them which is not of the earth earthy. They are Spectators of the world, not Adventurers nor Ramblers; perhaps Guardians, we say nothing of Tatlers. They are evidently predestinated to be what they are. They owe not the singularity of their condition to any lack of beauty, wisdom, wit or good temper; there is no accounting for it but on the principle of fatality. I have known many old maids, and of them all not one that has not possessed as many good and amiable qualities as ninety and nine out of a hundred of my married acquaintance. Why then are they single? Heaven only knows. It is their fate!

On the left hand of the road between London and Liverpool, there is a village, which, for particular reasons, I shall call Littleton; and I will not so far gratify the curiosity of idle inquirers as to say whether it is nearest to London or to Liverpool, but it is a very pretty village, and let the reader keep a sharp look out for it next time he travels that road. It is situated in a valley, through which runs a tiny rivulet as bright as silver, but hardly wide enough for a trout to turn round in. Over the little stream there is a bridge, which seems to have been built merely out of compliment to the liquid thread, to save it the mortification of being hopped over by every urchin and clodpole in the parish. The church is covered with ivy even half way up the steeple, but the sexton has removed the green intrusion from the face of the clock, which, with its white surface and black figures, looks at a little distance like an owl in an ivy bush. A little to the left of the church is the parsonage house, almost smothered with honeysuckles; in front of the house is a grass plot, and up to the door there is what is called a carriage drive, but I never saw a carriage drive up there, for it is so steep that it would require six horses to pull the carriage up, and there is not room enough for more than one. Somewhat farther up the hill which bounds the little valley where the village stands, there is a cottage; the inhabitants of Littleton call it the white cottage. It is merely a small whitewashed house, but as it is occupied by genteelish sort of people, who cannot afford a large house, it is generally called a cottage. All these beautiful and picturesque objects, and a great many more which I have not described, have lost with me their interest. It would make me