stance of their being disobeyed. We will not pretend to affert, that the army were totally immaculate; nor can it be faid, that there ever was an army even in Europe, or in any other quarter of the globe, wholly blameless. Some few irregularities and extravagancies might have been committed by individuals among the foldiery; but fo far from having been encouraged in the practice of them by their officers, we folemnly declare, we discountenanced every thing of the kind which came to our knowledge. Charge VI. "From Hydernagur, Gen. Mathews fent out various detachments, for the forts in the inland country, and upon the coafts. Of the former, the principal was Annanpour-The expedition against this place was commanded by Maj. Campbell. When a practicable breach was effected, orders were iffued for a ftorm, and no quarter: they were received with alacrity, and put it execution without delay. Every man in the place was put to the fword, except one horfeman, who made his escape, after being wounded in three different places. The women, unwilling to be feparated from their relations, or expofed to the brutal licentiousness of the foldiery, threw themfelves, in multitudes, into the moats with which the fort was furrounded. Four hundred beautiful women, pier. ced with the bayonet, and expiring in one another's arms, were in this fituation treated by the British with every kind of outrage: for this conduct the troops, however, we are told, afterwards received a reprimand." [vol. 47. p. 193.] Refutation. This extract is taken from a letter faid to be written by Enf. John Charles Sheen, and affixed to Capt. Oakes's Narrative. Mr Sheen, fince the publication of it, having been addreffed by that gentleman on the fubject, replied in these words: “The business of Annanpour is greatly exaggerated, and contrary to what I wrote home, together with the whole of the Appendix. As I never commented upon it myself, it is impoffible that I can be accountable for what the printer chose to publish without my knowledge or confent."-The circumftances attending the fiege of Annanpour are as follows: After the reduction of Hydernagur, Capt. McCulloch having received an order from Hyat Saib, to the Killahdaur of Annanpour, to deliver up the fort to kim, marched thither in command of the 15th battalion of fepoys; and on his arrival fent in a flag of trice with a Jemmahdour, and two of Hydar Saib's Hir-, carrahs, and demanded the furrender of the place. This flag was violated by the detention of the people, and no answer was given; a fecond flag, with a Sabahadaur and two Havildars, was fent in, to know the reafon of that violation, demanding the release of the officer, and an answer to the fummons first sent them. This flag was likewife detained, and no reply fent. An old woman belonging to the place was fhortly after charged with a letter to the Killahdaur of the fort, to demand the return of the flag of truce, remonstrating against the proceedings of the garrifon, and threatening them with the confequences of the violation: fhe brought back a written answer in the Canara language, which contained a de fiance. All the officers and men who accompanied the flags of truce were stripped of their cloaths, and fent in irons, as prifoners, to Simoga, (a fort forty two-miles diftant). Information of these circumftances being fent the General, a reinforcement was ordered to march, confifting of his Majefty's 42d and rooth regiments, part of the 98th regiment, and the 2d grenadier battalion of fepoys, with fome guns, to make a regular attack upon the place. A breach was foon effected; the 42d regiment and 2d grenadier battalion stormed; the rooth regiment, and 15th battalion, were pofted to cut off the retreat, and the 98th regiment guarded the encampment. Maj. Campbell, in compliance with the orders he received from the commander in chief, gave particular and repeated directions to take none prifoners but those who bore arms; and perfonally reprimanded fome of the officers for not feeing these orders rigidly executed. On this occafion, between two and three hundred of the enemy were killed and wounded: the latter were taken the greatest care of in our hofpitals, and, when cured, were exchanged for our officers and men who had been treacherously taken with the flags of truce. The ftory of the 400 women is as falfe as it is infamous, and worthy only the fabricator. There was but one woman unfortunately killed, and another wounded; and thefe cafualties happened by mere accident. Two children were likewife accidentally wounded in the confufion of the ftorm. The feverity this garrison was treated with was entirely owing to their having been guilty of a breach of the law of na tions, and of the rules of war, which every power throughout Hindostan have a thorough knowledge of. There are a variety of other misreprefentations offered to the public through the fame channel; but we shall not take the trouble, nor do we think it worth our while, to enter into a refutation of every particular one. Our prefent aim, is to Convince the world, that, during our refidence in this diftant clime, we have not forfeited every title to the feelings of humanity. We were ordered into the Canara country to draw Tippo Saib from the Carnatic, where he had been ravaging with unrelenting barbarity from the commencement of the war; reducing large and populous villages and cities to afhes, plundering the inhabitants, deftroying the appearance of agriculture, and to fill up the measure of his cruelty, driving the unfortunate wretches to diftant and uncultivated parts of his own empire, there to toil under the heavy band of power and oppreffion. Let his advocates among our countrymen con. template this picture, and compare it with what we have impartially drawn of our conduct against his dominions-then let them blush at declaring the fufferings which we endured were "just and merited." We beg it may be remembered, that retaliation was not the object of Gen. Mathews's campaign. Those who ferved under him acted like men, who while they were doing their duty, forgot not the calls of humanity, but lamented, that the horrors of war fhould have involved the innocent with the guilty. The fol. dier must pay implicit abedience to the voice that commands him, however the feelings of the man may be affected. When oppofition ceafed, we gladly embraced the favourable moment; and were happy at all times, confiftent with the good of the fervice and our own fafety, to fhew compaffion to the vanquish ed. It has, in fome degree, anfwered the purpose of a faction to mislead the minds of the public by the groffeft flanders on the fervants of the Company. The Editors of the New Annual Regifter have, with much pomp and parade of language, introduced the little History of the Con quest of Canara, with every trait of warm and prejudiced minds, carried away by the tide of popular opinion; and have studiously sought for, eagerly caught, and highly embellished, every little incident, to caft indelible infamy and disgrace upon us; but we truft we have defeated their intentions by a plain narrative of facts, which we pledge our honours to the truth of; and hope we have, by this means, erased the unfavourable impreffions our countrymen muft have received. BOMBAY, 15th Feb. 1787. Signed, Major. 7. S. Toriano, Captains. J. Panton, J. Sartorious, D. Carpenter, Henry Oakes, F. Thompson, 7. Macdonald, Wm. Home, T. Bellis, F. Wifeman, Jofeph Bland, C. H. Watiman, F Skelton, G. W. Mignan, J. Lambard, W. H. Blackford. Lieutenants. John James, Richard Scott, Cæfar Sutton, John Hull, J. Paterson, W. Williamfon, Thos. Hooke, S. Wilson, R. Doclan, F. Cheeke, James Baird, S. Thompson, Fa. Rattray, Jerem. Ward, Rd. Cooke, Thomas Fyfe, T. Grummond, R. Budden. Engineers. Law. Reed, Wm. East, J. Griffiths, Wm. Morris, V. Mumbec, S. Goddard, A. Torriano. Enfigns. C. Odonnel, Mat. Bratton, E. B. Gillmer, M. C. Sheen, J. Alsager, Rob. Gordon, E. W. Forsman, David Price, Arthur Spens, C. Lonsdale, James Gilkie. A fingular Cafe. A Son of one James Scholes, of Lees, fifteen years of age, had been so much indifpofed, as to render him incapable of following his employment for eight weeks together. He had received the advice, and taken the prescriptions, of feveral of the faculty, who all deemed his diforder the effect of worms. A worm-powder given him by Mr Brierly, furgeon in Oldham, caufed him to void fomething of an uncommon appearance, which being carefully examined, proved to be cotton wool, and weighed upwards of an ounce. The boy is a weaver, and, it feems, made a practice of swallowing the ends of the yarn, and what he picked off the cloth with his knife, which fo closely adhered together, as to be one entire length of cotton wool, above a yard long. This fhould operate as a caution, it being a practice but too common among boys. A A New Theory of the PUBLIC DEBT of [From a Pamphlet, intitled, "The Public Debt productive of National Profperity."] IN treating a fubject which involves in it the concerns of all claffes of men, in order that it may be more clearly com prehended, I beg leave to confider the people of Great Britain as compofing one family; and, in what regards the welfare and profperity of the nation, as connected together by one common intereft. And, though this union may not be fo vifible in time of peace, owing to the contests of party, and little internal diffentions; yet, in time of war, private confiderations are loft in the regard for the public welfare, and the subjects of the British empire embrace each other as brethren. In taking a view of the national cire cumftances, the attention of the reader is requested, to the line which is drawn betwixt its foreign and domeftic connec. tions; the propriety of which will appear obvious from the following confi. derations. Whatever fum of money is owing by one member of a family to another of the fame family, cannot in any degree add to, or take from, the quantity of pro. perty poffeffed by the whole family. The fame remark may be applied to the nation, Whatever sum of money is owing, by the community at large, to a part of the fame community, cannot, in any degree, increase or diminish the national capital. On the other hand, whatever fum of money is owing by one family or nation, or the members of one family or nation, to the members of a different family or Bation, must impair the national or family circumftances, in proportion to the a mount of the debt. Hence it follows, that the money ow. ing by the British government to the fubjects of Great Britain, cannot, with propriety, be confidered as a national debt, because it does not in the leaft diminish the national property. The real debt of the nation can only be, The sum of money owing by the people of Great Britain to foreigners; because the payment of the principal or intereft is effected, by fending a valuable confideration out of the kingdom. By way of diftinction, therefore, I fhall confider the money owing by go VOL. L. the national debt; and the money owing vernment to people refiding abroad, as by government to its own fubjects at home, as the domeftic debt. From want of this important diftinction, I account for the general miftake which the world has been led into, by confounding the two accounts. Exactnefs in fums not being neceffary in this place, the domeftic debt may be eftimated at more than 200 millions; and the foreign debt, as not exceeding forty millions. The former of these bears fo large a proportion to the whole, that, by attending to its operation, we may ac quire juft notions, how far the national profperity has been advanced or impeded by it: as it cannot be denied, that the exiftence of fo large an account must have had a confiderable influence over the national affairs. It may not be foreign to the fubject, to inquire into the condition of the coun try before the debt exifted. And though it will be eafily proved, that the nation is much richer and happier at prefent, it may not, perhaps, be admitted, from that confideration alone, that the im provement is to be ascribed to the operation of the debt. It affords, however, a ftrong argument against the prevailing opinion, that the national debt is an evil proportioned to its magnitude. Whilft the expences of government were confined, in a great measure, to the revenue arising from the estates in poffeffion of the crown, the property of the nation was in few hands, aud the cultivation of the land much neglected, it yielding a fufficiency, in its natural ftate, to fatisfy the wauts of the owners. The flock and buildings upon it were but of fmall value: and little could be reckoned on the produce of industry, there being but few people in circumstances to confume it. Hence the bulk of the inhabi tants were in a state of abject dependence, and experienced every species of oppreffion in a land of freedom. Unconditio nal submission was the lot of extreme poverty, and every law in favour of liberty was fuperfeded by the great law of neceffity. When the ufual resources were infufficient to fupply the exigences of the state, more frequent recourfe was had to taxes: and, as the money expended by government principally circulates at home both in peace and war, being paid to those who furnish arms, clothing, &c. B or 10 New Theory refpecting the National Debt." or who are in any other way employed under government, the augmented expenditure flowed in fresh channels, and became the property of new owners. By degrees, as the demands of government increased, the circulation of property became more general, and the induftrious part of the nation poffeffed themselves of the floating wealth, in exchange for the produce of labour. As the property of the nation became, in this manner, more divided, it experi enced, likewife, a confiderable increase; if the abundance of the neceffaries and conveniencies of life, procured by indu ftry, may be faid to conftitute national wealth. When those who had acquired a competency, wished to difengage themfelves from the fatigues of bufinefs, they realized their property, by laying it out in the purchase of land, or by lending it to the country, on the faith of government. This circumftance gave rise not only to an additional number of landowners, but likewife to a defcription of people, whofe claims to the national property are equally well founded, I mean, the public creditors. From what has been advanced, it muft, I flatter myself, appear evident, that taxes have a tendency to increase the property of the nation, by dividing it a mongst the community into smaller shares, and from that circumftance increafing its circulation. And though the fyftem of funding may have leffened the ariftocratic power, which was frequently exercised in disturbing government, and oppreffing the people, yet the complaints of a few individuals fhould never weigh against national profperity and happiness, which are founded on a more equal dif. tribution of the comforts of life. Every million which has been borrow ed, at different periods, by the British government from the fubjects of Great Britain, has, in my opinion, been productive of national improvement; and the prefent domeftic debt, though very confiderable, yields an increafe proportioned to its magnitude. Every guinea iffued from the public purse, in its various stages of circulation, gives birth to many times its own amount in the produce of labour. The public creditor, with the money he receives from government, is enabled to give employment to the weaver, the shoe-maker, the tailor, and to many people in other occupations, as well as to those who vend the neceffaries and conveniencies of life. Vol. 50% The fame money is laid out, by the receivers, in the purchase of fresh articles adapted to their respective stations : and, whilft thus employed, each owner furnishes an addition of property to the geproved circumstances of all claffes of peoneral ftock, which is vifible in the imple. The domeftic debt is not only producpeople in general, protection and happitive of plenty, but it difpenfes to the nefs, by forming a connection of mutual advantage between the rich and the poor. This rightly understood, will account for confounded the political world; and, that growing profperity, which has long whilft it is maintained, will afford an exception to the general remark, which af figns to nations their epochas of infancy, maturity, and decline; for, during its continuance, Great Britain's fun will ever continue in its meridian fplendour. The calamities occasioned by the prohave already been noticed, and are too perty of a nation being in few hands, obvious, not only from the hiftory of this island, but trom the prefent condiquality prevails, to need a farther enlargetion of those countries where fuch inefufficiently inftructs us, that the profpement. And the fate of fallen empires perity founded on foreign aid, is not to be relied on. The importation of wealth from triquivalent, is deftructive of domeftic inbutary colonies, without returning an eply is with held, which may cafily happen, duftry. Whenever, therefore, the supfrom conqueft, or fome other caufe, the ther-country to every fpecies of wretchwant of internal refources fubjects the moedness. fent circumftances place her at a distance Fortunately for Great Britain, her prefrom thefe evils. The general division of property makes the rich more numethe means of purchafing the produce of rous, but lefs powerful; afords them industry; but reftrains them from fupporting numbers in the habits of idleness. longer dependent on precarious bounty On the other hand, the poor are no for fubfiftence, but are enabled, from the to feed plentifully on the fruits of their great demand for the produce of labour, change of work for money, are freed own induftry; and, by an equal exfrom the gripe of oppreffion, and feel their proper confequence in the scale of fociety. LET LETTERS of the late Mr STERNE. [Continued from vol. 49. p. 387.] LET. VI. To Thursday, Nov. 1. To the point, did I fay?-Alas! there is fo much zig-zag in my deftiny, that it is impoffible for me to keep going on ftrait through one poor letter--and that to a friend. But fo it is-for here is a WEre I a minifter of state, inftead of vifitor arrived to whom I cannot fay nay being a country parfon-or rather, though I do not know that it is the bet ter thing of the two-were I a king of a country, not like Sancho Pancha, with out a will of my own, but with all the rights, privileges, and immunities, belonging to fuch a fituation, I would not fuffer a man of genius to be pulled to pieces, or pulled down, or even whistled at, by any man who had not fome fort of genius of his own-that is to fay, I would not suffer blockheads of any denomination to fhew their heads in my territories. What-will you fay—is there nosaving claufe for the ignorant and the unlettered?-No fpot fet apart for those on whom science has not beamed, or the current of whofe genius poverty has frozen?-My dear friend, you do not quite understand me, and I beg of you not to suppose that all men are blockheads who are not Learned-and that no man who is learned can be a blockhead. My definitions are not borrowed from the common-room of a college, or the dull muzzing pericranium of a word mongering dictionary-maker, but from the book of nature, the volume of the world, and the pandects of experience. There I find a blockhead to be a man (for I am not at present in a humour to involve the poor women in the definition) who thinks he has what, in fact, he has not —and who does not know how to make a right use of that which he has. It is the mode of applying means to ends that marks the character of fuperior understanding. The poor fcare-crow of a beast that Yorick rode fo long and to the laft, being once fet in the right road, will fooner get to the end of his journey, than the fleeteft race-horfe of Newmarket, who has taken an oppofite direction. Wisdom very often cannot read or write, and Folly will often quote you paffages from all the dead and half the living languages. I beg, therefore, you will not form a bad, that is to say, a false idea of this kingdom of mine-for whenever I get it, you may be fure of being well appointed, and living at your ease, as every one must do there who lives to his ho nour-But to the point. and who obliges me to write adieu, a page or two, or three, perhaps, before I intended to do it. I must therefore fold up my paper as it is-and shall only add, God bless you-which, however, is the conftant and fincereft wish of Your affectionate LET. VII. To L. S. Monday Morning. THE ftory, my dear friend, which you heard related with fuch an air of authority, is like many other true ftories, abfolutely falfe. Mr Hume and I never had a dispute, I mean a ferious, angry, or petulant difpute, in our lives: -indeed, I fhould be moft exceedingly furprifed to hear that David ever had an unpleasant contention with any man:—and if I fhould be made to believe that fuch an event had happened, nothing would perfuade me that his opponent was not in the wrong for, in my life, did I never meet with a being of a more placid and gentle nature; and it is this amiable turn of his character, that has given more confequence and force to his fcepticism, than all the arguments of his fophiftry. You may depend on this as a truth. We had, I remember well, a little pleasant sparring at Lord Hertford's table at Paris: but there was nothing in it that did not bear the marks of goodwill and urbanity on both sides. I had preached that very day at the ambassador's chapel, and David was disposed to make a little merry with the parfon; and, in return, the parfon was equally difpofed to make a little merry with the infidel: we laughed with one another, and the company laughed with us both; and whatever your informer might pretend, he certainly was not one of that company. As for his other hiftory, that I preached an offenfive fermon at the ambaffador's chapel-it is equally founded in truth; for Lord Hertford did me the honour to thank me for it again and again. The text, I will own, was an unlucky one; and that was all your informer could have heard to have juftified his report. If he fell asleep immediately after I repeated it, I will forgive him. B 2 The 1 |