CHAP. XCIII.] VISIT TO THE ORACLE OF AMMON. 201 himself to be (like them) the son of Zeus, with only a nominal human parentage, he resolved to go and ascertain the fact by questioning the infallible oracle of Zeus Ammon. His march of several days, through a sandy desert—always fatiguing, sometimes perilous, was distinguished by manifest evidences of the favour of the Gods. Unexpected rain fell just when the thirsty soldiers required water. When the guides lost their track, from shifting of the sand, on a sudden two speaking serpents, or two ravens, appeared preceding the march and indicating the right direction. Such were the statements made by Ptolemy, Aristobulus, and Kallisthenes, companions and contemporaries; while Arrian, four centuries afterwards, announces his positive conviction that there was a divine intervention on behalf of Alexander, though he cannot satisfy himself about the details'. The priest of Zeus Ammon addressed Alexander, as being the son of the God, and farther assured him that his career would be one of uninterrupted victory, until he was taken away to the Gods; while his friends also, who consulted the oracle for their own satisfaction, received for answer that the rendering of divine honours to him would be acceptable to Zeus. After profuse sacrifices and presents, Alexander quitted the oracle, with a full and sincere faith that he really was the son of Zeus Ammon; which faith was farther confirmed by declarations transmitted to him from other oracles 1 Arrian, iii. 3, 12. Καὶ ὅτι μὲν θεῖόν τι ξυνεπέλαβεν αὐτῷ, ἔχω ἰσχυρίσασθαι, ὅτι καὶ τὸ εἰκὸς ταύτῃ ἔχει· τὸ δ ̓ ἀτρεκὲς τοῦ λόγου ἀφείλοντο οἱ ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐξηγησάμενοι. Compare Curtius, iv. 7, 12-15; Diodor. xvii. 49-51; Plutarch, Alex. 27; Kallisthenes ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 814. B.C. 331, -that of Erythræ in Ionia, and of Branchidæ near Miletus'. Though he did not directly order himself to be addressed as the son of Zeus, he was pleased with those who volunteered such a recognition, and angry with sceptics or scoffers, who disbelieved the oracle of Ammon. Plutarch thinks that this was a mere political manœuvre of Alexander, for the purpose of overawing the non-Hellenic population over whom he was enlarging his empire2. But it seems rather to have been a genuine faith,-a simple exaggeration of that exorbitant vanity which from the beginning reigned so largely in his bosom. He was indeed aware that it was repugnant to the leading Macedonians in many ways, but especially as a deliberate insult to the memory of Philip. This is the theme always touched upon in moments of dissatisfaction. To Parmenio, to Philôtas, to Kleitus, and other principal officers, the insolence of the king, in disclaiming Philip and putting himself above the level of humanity, appeared highly offensive. Discontents on this subject among the Macedonian officers, though condemned to silence by fear and admiration of Alexander, became serious, and will be found re-appearing hereafter3. The last month of Alexander's stay in Egypt was passed at Memphis. While nominating. various officers for the permanent administration of the country, he also received a visit of Hegelochus his 1 Kallisthenes, Fragm. xvi. ap. Alexand. Magn. Histor. Scriptor. ed. Geier. p. 257; Strabo, xvii. p. 814. ' Plutarch, Alexand. 28. Arrian hints at the same explanation (vii. 29, 6). 3 Curtius, iv. 10, 3 "fastidio esse patriam, abdicari Philippum patrem, cœlum vanis cogitationibus petere." Arrian, iii. 26, I; Curtius, vi. 9, 18. vi. 11, 23. CHAP. XCIII.] ALEXANDER IN PHENICIA. 203 ments made Memphis- from the admiral, who brought as prisoners Aristonikus of Arrange. Methymna, and other despots of the various insular by AlexGrecian cities. Alexander ordered them to be handed ander at over to their respective cities, to be dealt with as prisoners the citizens pleased; all except the Chian Apollo- brought nides, who was sent to Elephantinê in the south of Egean. Egypt for detention. In most of the cities, the despots had incurred such violent hatred, that when delivered up, they were tortured and put to death'. Pharnabazus also had been among the prisoners, but had found means to escape from his guards when the fleet touched at Kos2. February ceeds to message Athens. Reinforce to Anti In the early spring, after receiving reinforcements B.C. 331, of Greeks and Thracians, Alexander marched into March. Phenicia. It was there that he regulated the affairs He proof Phenicia, Syria, and Greece, prior to his intended Pheniciaexpedition into the interior against Darius. He from punished the inhabitants of Samaria, who had re- Splendid volted and burnt alive the Macedonian prefect Andromachus3. In addition to all the business trans- ments sent acted, Alexander made costly presents to the Tyrian pater. Herakles, and offered splendid sacrifices to other Gods. Choice festivals with tragedy were also celebrated, analogous to the Dionysia at Athens, with the best actors and chorists contending for the prize. The princes of Cyprus vied with each other in doing honour to the son of Zeus Ammon; each undertaking the duty of chorêgus, getting up at his own cost a drama with distinguished chorus and actors, and striving to obtain the prize from pre-appointed judges as was practised among the ten tribes at Athens1. 1 Curtius, iv. 8, 11. 3 Curtius, iv. 8, 10. 2 Arrian, iii. 2, 8, 9. Plutarch, Alexand. 29; Arrian, l. c. B.C. 331, He marches to the Euphrates without opposition at Thapsakus. In the midst of these religious and festive exhibitions, Alexander was collecting magazines for his march into the interior'. He had already sent forcrosses it ward a detachment to Thapsakus, the usual ford of the Euphrates, to throw bridges over the river. The Persian Mazæus was on guard on the other side, with a small force of 3000 men, 2000 of them Greeks; not sufficient to hinder the bridges from being built, but only to hinder them from being carried completely over to the left bank. After eleven days of march from Phenicia, Alexander and his whole army reached Thapsakus. Mazæus, on the other side, as soon as he saw the main army arrive, withdrew his small force without delay, and retreated to the Tigris; so that the two bridges were completed, and Alexander crossed forthwith2. March across from the Euphrates to the Tigris. Alexander fords the Once over the Euphrates, Alexander had the option of marching down the left bank of that river to Babylon, the chief city of the Persian empire, and the natural place to find Darius. But this march (as we know from Xenophon, who made it above Nine with the Ten Thousand Greeks) would be one of extreme suffering and through a desert country where no provisions were to be got. Moreover, Mazaus in retreating had taken a north-easterly direction Tigris veh, with out resistance. 1 Arrian, iii. 6, 12. 2 Arrian, iii. 7, 1-6; Curtius, iv. 9, 12—“ undecimis castris pervenit ad Euphraten." 3 So Alexander considers Babylon (Arrian, ii. 17, 3–10)—ñроɣwρnσávτων ξὺν τῇ δυνάμει ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνά τε καὶ Δαρεῖον..............τόν τε ἐπὶ ΒαβυAwvos σtódov moinσóμeda, &c. This is the explanation of Arrian's remark, iii. 7, 6—where he assigns the reason why Alexander, after passing the Euphrates at Thapsakus, did not take the straight road towards Babylon. Cyrus the younger marched directly to Babylon to attack Artaxerxes. Susa, Ekbatana, and Persepolis were more distant, and less exposed to an enemy from the west. CHAP. XCIII.] HE CROSSES THE EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS. 205 towards the upper part of the Tigris; and some prisoners reported that Darius with his main army was behind the Tigris, intending to defend the passage of that river against Alexander. The Tigris appears not to be fordable below Nineveh (Mosul). Accordingly he directed his march, first nearly northward, having the Euphrates on his left hand; next eastward across Northern Mesopotamia, having the Armenian mountains on his left hand. On reaching the ford of the Tigris, he found it absolutely undefended. Not a single enemy being in sight, he forded the river as soon as possible, with all his infantry, cavalry, and baggage. The difficulties and perils of crossing were extreme, from the depth of the water, above their breasts, the rapidity of the current, and the slippery footing'. A resolute and vigilant enemy might have rendered the passage almost impossible. But the good fortune of Alexander was not less conspicuous in what his enemies left undone, than in what they actually did 2. B.C. 331, Sept. 20. Eclipse of Alexander near to the After this fatiguing passage, Alexander rested for two days. During the night an eclipse of the moon occurred, nearly total; which spread consternation the moon. among the army, combined with complaints against approaches his overweening insolence, and mistrust as to the army of unknown regions on which they were entering. position. Alexander, while offering solemn sacrifices to Sun, Moon, and Earth, combated the prevailing depression by declarations from his own prophet Aristander and from Egyptian astrologers, who pro 1 Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Diodor. xvii. 55; Curtius, iv. 9, 17-24. " Magna munimenta regni Tigris atque Euphrates erant," is a part of the speech put into the mouth of Darius before the battle of Arbela, by Curtius (iv. 14, 10). Both these great defences were abandoned. * Curtius, iv. 9, 23; Plutarch, Alexand. 39. Darius in |