at Babylon -his great preparations for the circumnavigation and conquest of Arabia. Alexander these the most remarkable was, the warning of the Chaldean priests, who apprised him, soon after he crossed the Tigris, that it would be dangerous for him to enter that city, and exhorted him to remain outside of the gates. At first he was inclined to obey; but his scruples were overruled, either by arguments from the Greek sophist Anaxarchus, or by the shame of shutting himself out from the most memorable city of the empire, where his great naval preparations were now going on. He found Nearchus with his fleet, who had come up from the mouth of the river,-and also the ships directed to be built in Phenicia, which had come down the river from Thapsakus, together with large numbers of seafaring men to serve aboard'. The ships of cypress-wood, and the large docks, which he had ordered to be constructed at Babylon, were likewise in full progress. He lost no time in concerting with Nearchus the details of an expedition into Arabia and the Persian Gulf, by his land force and naval force cooperating. From various naval officers, who had been sent to survey the Persian Gulf and now made their reports, he learnt, that though there were no serious difficulties within it or along its southern coast, yet to double the eastern cape which terminated that coast-to circumnavigate the unknown peninsula of Arabia,-and thus to reach the Red Sea--was an enterprise perilous at least, if not impracticable. But to achieve that which other Arrian, vii. 19, 5-12; Diodor. xvii. 112. 2 Arrian, vii. 20, 15; Arrian, Indica, 43. To undertake this circumnavigation, Alexander had despatched a ship-master of Soli in Cyprus, named Hiero; who, becoming alarmed at the distance to which he was CHAP. XCIV.] ALEXANDER AT BABYLON. 337 men thought impracticable, was the leading passion of Alexander. He resolved to circumnavigate Arabia as well as to conquer the Arabians, from whom it was sufficient offence that they had sent no envoys to him. He also contemplated the foundation of a great maritime city in the interior of the Persian Gulf, to rival in wealth and commerce the cities of Phenicia1. too on ship board, on the Euand in the adjoining. phrates marshes His plans for im proving the navigation and flow of the river. Amidst preparations for this expedition-and B.C. 323, April, May. while the immense funeral pile destined for He- Alexander phæstion was being built-Alexander sailed down the Euphrates to the great dyke called Pallakopas, about ninety miles below Babylon; a sluice constructed by the ancient Assyrian kings, for the purpose of being opened when the river was full, so as to let off the water into the interminable marshes stretching out near the western bank. The sluice being reported not to work well, he projected the construction of a new one somewhat farther down. He then sailed through the Pallakopas in order to survey the marshes, together with the tombs of the ancient Assyrian kings which had been erected among them. Himself steering his vessel, with the kausia on his head, and the regal diadem above it2, he passed some time among these lakes and swamps, which were so extensive that his fleet lost the way among them. He stayed long advancing, and at the apparently interminable stretch of Arabia towards the south, returned without accomplishing the object. Even in the time of Arrian, in the second century after the Christian era, Arabia had never been circumnavigated, from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea at least so far as his knowledge extended. B.C. 323, Large re inforcements arrive, Grecian and Asiatie. ordered by for Mace Persians in the same files and companies. enough also to direct, and even commence, the foundation of a new city, in what seemed to him a convenient spot'. On returning to Babylon, Alexander found large reinforcements arrived there-partly under Philoxenus, Menander, and Menidas, from Lydia and Karia-partly 20,000 Persians, under Peukestes the satrap. He caused these Persians to be incorNew array porated in the files of the Macedonian phalanx. Alexander, According to the standing custom, each of these donians and files was sixteen deep, and each soldier was armed with the long pike or sarissa wielded by two hands; the lochage, or front-rank man, being always an officer receiving double pay, of great strength and attested valour-and those second and third in the file, as well as the rearmost man of all, being likewise strong and good men, receiving larger pay than the rest. Alexander, in his new arrangement, retained the three first ranks and the rear rank unchanged, as well as the same depth of file; but he substituted twelve Persians in place of the twelve Macedonians who followed after the third-rank man; so that the file was composed first of the lochage and two other chosen Macedonians, each armed with the sarissa-then of twelve Persians armed in their own manner with bow or javelinlastly, of a Macedonian with his sarissa bringing up the rear. In this Macedonico-Persian file, the front would have only three projecting pikes, Arrian, vii. 21, 11. πόλιν ἐξῳκοδόμησέ τε καὶ ἐτείχισε. 2 Arrian, vii. 23, 5. Even when performing the purely military operation of passing these soldiers in review, inspecting their exercise, and determining their array,—Alexander sat upon the regal throne, surrounded by Asiatic eunuchs; his principal officers sat upon couches CHAP. XCIV.] OBSEQUIES OF HEPHÆSTION. 339 funeral ob sequies of Hephæ stion. instead of five, as the ordinary Macedonian phalanx presented; but then, in compensation, the Persian soldiers would be able to hurl their javelins at an advancing enemy, over the heads of their three frontrank men. The supervening death of Alexander prevented the actual execution of this reform, interesting as being his last project for amalgamating Persians and Macedonians into one military force. Besides thus modifying the phalanx, Alexander Splendid also passed in review his fleet, which was now fully equipped. The order was actually given for departing, so soon as the obsequies of Hephæstion should be celebrated. This was the last act which remained for him to fulfil. The splendid funeral pile stood ready-two hundred feet high, occupying a square area, of which the side was nearly one furlong, loaded with costly decorations from the zeal, real and simulated, of the Macedonian officers. The invention of artists was exhausted, in long discussions with the king himself, to produce at all cost an exhibition of magnificence singular and stupendous. The outlay (probably with addition of the festivals immediately following) is stated at 12,000 talents, or £2,760,000 sterling'. Alexander awaited the order from the oracle of Ammon, having sent thither messengers to inquire what measure of reverential honour he might properly and piously show to his departed friend. The answer was now brought back, intimating that Hephæstion was to be worshiped as a Hero-the with silver feet, near to him (Arrian, vii. 24, 4). This is among the evidences of his altered manners. 1 Diodorus, xvii. 115; Plutarch, Alex. 72. 2 Arrian, vii. 23, 8. secondary form of worship, not on a level with that paid to the Gods. Delighted with this divine testimony to Hephæstion, Alexander caused the pile to be lighted, and the obsequies celebrated, in a manner suitable to the injunctions of the oracle'. He farther directed that magnificent chapels or sacred edifices should be erected for the worship and honour of Hephæstion, at Alexandria in Egypt,-at Pella in Macedonia,-and probably in other cities also2. Respecting the honours intended for Hephæstion at Alexandria, he addressed to Kleom enes the satrap of Egypt a despatch which becomes in part known to us. I have already stated that Kleomenes was among the worst of the satraps; having committed multiplied public crimes, of which Alexander was not uninformed. The regal despatch enjoined him to erect in commemoration of Hephæstion a chapel on the terra firma of Alexandria, with a 1 Diodor. xvii. 114, 115: compare Arrian, vii. 14, 16; Plutarch, Alex. 75. 2 Arrian, vii. 23, 10-13; Diod. xviii. 4. Diodorus speaks indeed, in this passage, of the upà or funeral pile in honour of Hephæstion, as if it were among the vast expences included among the memoranda left by Alexander (after his decease) of prospective schemes. But the funeral pile had already been erected at Babylon, as Diodorus himself had informed us. What Alexander left unexecuted at his decease, but intended to execute if he had lived, was the splendid edifices and chapels in Hephæstion's honour--as we see by Arrian, vii. 23, 10. And Diodorus must be supposed to allude to these intended sacred buildings, though he has inadvertently spoken of the funeral pile. Kraterus, who was under orders to return to Macedonia, was to have built one at Pella. The Olynthian Ephippus had composed a book περὶ τῆς Ἡφαιστίωνος καὶ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ταφῆς, of which there appear four or five citations in Athenæus. He dwelt especially on the luxurious habits of Alexander, and on his unmeasured potations-common to him with other Macedonians. |