Severe terms im cacious in mitigating the wrath of the conqueror. Aristotle had quitted Athens for Chalkis before this time; otherwise he, the personal friend of Antipater, would have been probably selected for this painful mission. In point of fact, Xenokrates did no good, being harshly received, and almost put to silence, by Antipater. One reason of this may be, that he had been to a certain extent the rival of Aristotle; and it must be added, to his honour, that he maintained a higher and more independent tone than either of the other envoys'. According to the terms dictated by Antipater, posed upon the Athenians were required to pay a sum equal to Antipater. the whole cost of the war; to surrender Demo Athens by sthenes, Hyperides, and seemingly at least two other anti-Macedonian orators; to receive a Macedonian garrison in Munychia; to abandon their democratical constitution and disfranchise all their poorer citizens. Most of these poor men were to be transported from their homes, and to receive new lands on a foreign shore. The Athenian colonists in Samos were to be dispossessed and the island retransferred to the Samian exiles and natives. It is said that Phokion and Demades heard these terms with satisfaction, as lenient and reasonable. Xenokrates entered against them the strongest protest which the occasion admitted, when he said2 -"If Antipater looks upon us as slaves, the terms are moderate; if as freemen, they are severe. To Plutarch, Phokion, 27; Diodor. xviii. 18. 2 Plutarch, Phokion, 27. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἠγάπησαν ὡς φιλανθρώπους τὰς διαλύσεις, πλὴν τοῦ Ξενοκράτους, &c. Pausanias even states (vii. 10, 1) that Antipater was disposed to grant more lenient terms, but was dissuaded from doing so by Demades. CHAF. XCV.] DEPORTATION OF THE ATHENIAN POOR. 437 Phokion's entreaty, that the introduction of the garrison might be dispensed with, Antipater replied in the negative, intimating that the garrison would be not less serviceable to Phokion himself than to the Macedonians; while Kallimedon also, an Athenian exile there present, repelled the proposition with scorn. Respecting the island of Samos, Antipater was prevailed upon to allow a special reference to the imperial authority. chisement tation of the 12,000 Athenian If Phokion thought these terms lenient, we must Disfranimagine that he expected a sentence of destruction and deporagainst Athens, such as Alexander had pronounced to and executed against Thebes. Under no other poorest comparison can they appear lenient. Out of 21,000 citizens. qualified citizens of Athens, all those who did not possess property to the amount of 2000 drachmæ were condemned to disfranchisement and deportation. The number below this prescribed qualification, who came under the penalty, was 12,000, or three-fifths of the whole. They were set aside as turbulent, noisy democrats; the 9000 richest citizens, the "party of order," were left in exclusive possession, not only of the citizenship, but of the city. The condemned 12,000 were deported out of Attica, some to Thrace, some to the Illyrian or Italian coast, some to Libya or the Kyrenaic territory. Besides the multitude banished simply on the score of comparative poverty, the marked anti-Macedonian politicians were banished also, including Agnonides, the friend of Demosthenes, and one of his earnest advocates when accused respecting the Harpalian treasures'. At the request of 1 See Fragments of Hyperides adv. Demosth. p. 61-65, ed. Babington. Hardship suffered by ed poor of AthensMacedo nian garri son placed in Munychia, Phokion, Antipater consented to render the deportation less sweeping than he had originally intended, so far as to permit some exiles, Agnonides among the rest, to remain within the limits of Peloponnesus'. We shall see him presently contemplating a still more wholesale deportation of the Ætolian people. It is deeply to be lamented that this important the deport revolution, not only cutting down Athens to less than one-half of her citizen population, but involving a deportation fraught with individual hardship and suffering, is communicated to us only in two or three sentences of Plutarch and Diodorus, without any details from contemporary observers. It is called by Diodorus a return to the Solonian constitution; but the comparison disgraces the name of that admirable lawgiver, whose changes, taken as a whole, were prodigiously liberal and enfranchising, compared with what he found established. The deportation ordained by Antipater must indeed have brought upon the poor citizens of Athens a state of suffering in foreign lands analogous to that 1 Diodor. xviii. 18. ovтo μèv ovv övtes tλeíovs Tŵv μvpíwv (instead of δισμυρίων, which seems a mistake) καὶ δισχιλίων μετεστάθησαν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος· οἱ δὲ τὴν ὡρισμένην τίμησιν ἔχοντες περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, ἀπεδείχθησαν κύριοι τῆς τε πόλεως καὶ τῆς χώρας, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Σόλωνος VÓμOVS ÉTOλITEVOVTO. Plutarch states the disfranchised as above 12,000. Plutarch, Phokion, 28, 29. Ομως δ ̓ οὖν ὁ Φωκίων καὶ φυγῆς ἀπήλλαξε πολλοὺς δεηθεὶς τοῦ ̓Αντιπάτρου· καὶ φεύγουσι διεπράξατο, μὴ καθάπερ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν μεθισταμένων ὑπὲρ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ τὸν Ταίναρον ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλ' ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατοικεῖν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Αγνωνίδης ὁ συκοφάντης. Diodorus and Plutarch (c. 29) mention that Antipater assigned residences in Thrace for the expatriated. Those who went beyond the Keraunian mountains must have gone either to the Illyrian coast, Apollonia or Epidamnus-or to the Gulf of Tarentum. Those who went beyond Tænarus would probably be sent to Libya: see Thucydides, vii. 19, 10; vii. 50, 2. СНАР. ХСѴ.] MACEDONIAN OCCUPATION OF GREECE. 439 which Solon describes as having preceded his Seisachtheia, or measure for the relief of debtors'. What rules the nine thousand remaining citizens adopted for their new constitution, we do not know. Whatever they did, must now have been subject to the consent of Antipater and the Macedonian garrison, which entered Munychia, under the command of Menyllus, on the twentieth day of the month Boedromion (September), rather more than a month after the battle of Krannon. The day of its entry presented a sorrowful contrast. It was the day on which, during the annual ceremony of the mysteries of Eleusinian Demeter, the multitudinous festal procession of citizens escorted the God Iacchus from Athens to Eleusis2. One of the earliest measures of the nine thousand B.c.322, October. rides, and nes, Hypeothers, are to death in their abtipater condemned sence. An sends offi was, to condemn to death, at the motion of Demades, Demosthethe distinguished anti-Macedonian orators who had already fled-Demosthenes, Hyperides, Aristonikus, and Himeræus, brother of the citizen afterwards celebrated as Demetrius the Phalerean. The three last having taken refuge in Ægina, and Demosthenes in Kalauria, all of them were out of the reach of an Athenian sentence, but not beyond that of the Macedonian sword. At this miserable season, Greece was full of similar exiles, the anti-Macedonian leaders out of all the cities which had taken part in the Lamian war. The officers of Antipater, called in the language of the time the Exile-Hunters®, 1 Plutarch, Phokion, 28. ékteπodɩopênμévois éýkeσav: compare Solon, Fragment 28, ed. Gaisford. Plutarch, Phokion, 28. 3 Plutarch, Demosth. 28. 'Apxías ó kλŋßeìs Þvyado@npas. Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846. cers to seize the track and Grecian exiles. He puts Hype rides to death. B.C. 322, were everywhere on the look-out to seize these proscribed men; many of the orators, from other cities as well as from Athens, were slain; and there was no refuge except the mountains of Ætolia for any of them'. One of these officers, a Thurian named Archias, who had once been a tragic actor, passed over with a company of Thracian soldiers to Ægina, where he seized the three Athenian orators-Hyperides, Aristonikus, and Himeræus-dragging them out of the sanctuary of the Eakeion or chapel of Eakus. They were all sent as prisoners to Antipater, who had by this time marched forward with his army to Corinth and Kleonæ in Peloponnesus. All were there put to death, by his order. It is even said, and on respectable authority, that the tongue of Hyperides was cut out before he was slain; according to another statement, he himself bit it out-being put to the torture, and resolving to make revelation of secrets impossible. Respecting the details of his death, there were several different stories2. Having conducted these prisoners to Antipater, Demosthe- Archias proceeded with his Thracians to Kalauria in search of Demosthenes. The temple of Poseidon at Kalauria there situated, in which the orator had taken sanc nes in sanctuary -Archias with Thra- tuary, was held in such high veneration, that Archias, hesitating to drag him out by force, tried to cian soldiers comes to seize him he takes Polybius, ix. 29, 30. This is stated, as matter of traditional pride, poison, and by an Ætolian speaker more than a century afterwards. In the speech of his Akarnanian opponent, there is nothing to contradict it-while the fact is in itself highly probable. See Westermann, Geschichte der Beredsamkeit in Griechenland, ch. 71, note 4. 2 Plutarch, Demosthen. 28; Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 849; Photius, p. 496. |