class in horse traffic, although produced by motives of inteThis amalgamation may be but momentary, but even then it proves useful to society.

rest.

"Si le faste et la splendeur qui environnent les rois font une partie de leur puissance, la modestie et la simplicité des manierès font la force des nobles aristocratiques. Quand ils n'affectent aucune distinction quand ils se confondent avec le peuple, quand ils sont vètus comme lui, quand ils lui font partager tous leurs plaisirs, il oublie sa faiblesse."MONTESQUIEU.

These principles are followed à la lettre,

120. Parliamentary Eloquence.

perrot-footmen.

The

Eloquence has been practised in great perfection in modern times, and principally in the British parliament; and as the memory of the great orators is engraved in every heart, it would be quite superfluous to mention their names. agitated time of the French revolution of '89 has also produced a number of clever orators; but the passionate character of their speeches has contributed to a greater extent to mislead the auditors, than to produce sound and reasonable principles or results. But in the present century, some orators of the French Chamber of Deputies have even surpassed those of the British parliament. In our opinion, France possesses at present but one clever orator; he convinces by sound reasons and superior eloquence whenever he wishes to do so; and be it said to his glory, he has had the courage, even in the present year, of being the first to defend moderation, in a time when it was difficult to render the voice of reason audible.

English orators prefer to convince by statistical arguments, than by clear and sound grounds, and to delude the auditors by a number of figures and returns, often erroneous. Like the French ex-minister, whom we have alluded to above, there is likewise one in England, represented on the right side of our vignette, who also possesses these oratorial qualities, and many more than the French ex-minister. He speaks now very seldom; but when he does, conviction is the result of his discourse. He is now in a passive state, but the power which he has preserved is even greater than that of the active leaders of the rudder of the state.

As an example of a convincing harangue, we quote that of Sir Francis Burdett, addressed to his electors in May 1837, which we think it our duty to give in its full extent.

"I always was a devoted supporter of the constitution of England, from the deepest conviction that there never was

a system of government so admirably balanced as it is-so excellently tempered in every part-so harmoniously_combining the advantages of every species of government. Many systems of government, it is true, have some particular feature to recommend them; but none of them have that counterbalancing power peculiar to our happy constitution: they all have some drawback which renders them inferior to our system of government. Our forefathers, in their prudence, courage, and good sense, erected for us a political fabric of that high degree of perfection which has been considered by the most learned of our philosophers* and statesmen as being the perfection of human policy, but which they considered so difficult of attainment as to be looked upon more as an agreeable dream than of national practicability; and which, if indeed attainable, could be of no duration. Now, in this great country, not only has such a system of government been carried out, but it has existed among us for six hundred years. I admit that we had, as our forefathers had, grievances which had grown up, and which required a remedy: we had the grievance of an imperfect representation in the House of Commons-boroughs were in the gift of individuals who trafficked in them: the remedy for this was a great but still a definite object. It did not involve anything by which all the great and glorious institutions of this country were to be subverted; but had in view a positive good, and that good within the limits of the constitution, which, indeed, it had in view to preserve and hand down, in all its excellence, and with all its blessings, to posterity, and (as I could wish) to all eternity. I was for that reform. We have attained this great end, and yet there are those who are still crying out for further reform. Their language is still Reform, reform, reform!' What, have we had no reform? Was the measure of which I speak no reform? It appears to me that every reasonable man would say, 'Let us, at least, have a little respite after this-let us, after the excitement produced in the course of a protracted struggle for reform, have a little breathing time, and have the prudence to see how it may be practically applied to the remedying of the abuses, for the correction of which it was introduced.' In explanation of my feelings on this ground, it is quite unnecessary for me to state that I am for the monarchical form of government, in preference to the rule of an elective council, or the control of a chief magistrate. The wisest of men have left it to us as the result of their experience, and the history of elective government confirms

6

* And also by those of other countries.

it, that it is better for the public tranquillity and the enduring peace of the state, that the highest office of the country should not be the object of periodical contention. You hear people frequently talk of the liberty of the United States of America; but I say that the people of that country do not possess anything like that freedom and independence of mind, that toleration and freedom of action, which we enjoy in this country. For here there is no man, however humble he may be, who may not perform any political act not prescribed by the law as prejudicial to his fellow man. As an example of the excellence of our institutions, and the state of civilization in this country, I would direct your attention to the gentleman who has come forward as the hero of the radical party, so called, and the advocate of the objects which they have in view, and which they have the effrontery to avow as well, whose co-operation ministers have received with compliance, and, I might add, with thankfulness. I do not know whether that gentleman's father was the great coach-master; but if he was, he could not have a better-hearted man for a father. (An elector observed that the person alluded to was Mr. Leader's grandfather.) His grandfather! I have no doubt that the grandson is perfectly well educated, and fit for any station; indeed he has already filled the highest station to which an Englishman can aspire -that of a representative of the people; and the career of a laudable ambition is as open to him as the proudest noble of the country. This is the advantage of being an Englishman, and living under our much-calumniated system of government; and yet this advantage is what could not happen in any other country; but I am proud to say that instances of this nature happen every day in this free country. One of the greatest men now in England, the leading man in the House of Commons, Sir Robert Peel, is another example of what can be effected by great talents, united with activity and perseverance; and, when people talk of the aristocracy monopolizing all the honours of the country, it is so much stuff and nonsence. When, I ask, did the English aristocracy evince fastidiousness, or disdain-or, indeed, when have they refused to associate themselves familiarly with talented and deserving men of humble descent upon such occasions? There is nothing mischievous in the privileges of the aristocracy: if they have privileges, they were instituted for the benefit of the people at large, and they are necessary to, and congenial with, an enlightened, a free, and liberal government. I therefore maintain that the House of Lords,

and their independence and privileges, should be as dear to every friend of England, as are freedom of action and impunity in the expression of opinion in the House of Commons; and, for my part, I cannot conceive a system of tyranny more terrible than that which will ensue, if the House of Commons had the power and the will to subvert the privileges of the House of Lords.

"It has also of late been much the fashion to asperse another venerable institution-that of the national Church of England. Now, I do not believe that so wise, so good, and so liberal a system of religious government, and so free in its results, exists on the face of the earth; nor is there another set of men in the aggregate—for here and there, as in every other community, bad members will be foundequally numerous, pious, learned, moral, kind, and benevolent as the clergy of this country. It is a blessing to the country that so many members of that sacred order are devoted to a country life; for they impart a blessing to the land-not interfering with any, but assisting the poor with the aids of charity and religious consolation, and delighting the rich by refined companionship and good instruction. I do not know a greater blessing in the country than that derived from the system of the Church of England. Many persons cast an envious eye on the wealth of the church. The church does not appear to me to be over-wealthy; but I look upon the wealth of the clergy as a fund belonging to the poorest peasant in England, if he manifest a peculiar talent for learning, a disposition for liberal acquirements, and an intellect beyond the common run, might derive the best education. This is another advantage attributable to the pious liberality of our forefathers. I could cite many

instances in illustration of this fact, showing how children of the humblest origin have, by good conduct and attainments, raised themselves to the highest stations, after having been educated out of the wealthy endowments of the established church. I should like to know how much better the people would be if the wealth of the church were administered by any other body? A great deal has been said about the self-interestedness of the clergy. But surely they must, as well as other men, take care of their families. They do not put up for that exuberancy of virtue which the Roman Catholic priests profess; but they spend a great part of their income in hospitality and charity-advancing the progress of science, and encouraging the progress of literature, in several ways. There may be abuses in the church, but

whatever the abuses are they do not harm the people. If the people think that a clergyman can live upon £200 a year, reading prayers every Sunday, visiting amongst the poor, and dwelling in a cottage, they are much mistaken. A clergyman is obliged to fill a certain station, which he never could sustain out of that scanty income. I do not see any good that can result out of so-called church reformation. I do not see what good it has done in Ireland. I am nothing-Mr. Leader is nothing-we are as but straws; but if the principle which I struggle for should be victorious, you will have achieved a great triumph for the English constitution, and the glorious institutions of the country." Some of the orator's remarks can only be applied to his own time, but others to ours also.

121. Vide Notes 92 and 93.

122. Members of Society are not all alike.

Every man in society abdicates the right of being his own governor; he abandons even the right of self-defence, the first law of nature, to the leader or king whom he has selected. It matters not whether it be a temporary general, or an hereditary king, to whom he gives up the state of equality wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, and none have a greater share than another; but like at Rome or at Sparta, the power given to the general ceases after the campaign is over.

123. General Happiness.

The maxim of all men having the same right to happiness, founded on the law of nature, has produced great evils from its false application by the socialists; for the idle cannot pretend to the same share of happiness as the industrious; and when Locke said, that "Creatures of the same specie and rank, promiscuously born to all the same advantages of nature, and the use of the same faculties, should also be equal one amongst another, without subordination or subjection," he at the same time made it evident that this quality of men by nature forms the foundation of their obligation to mutual love, and the duties that they owe one another, from whence is derived the great maxims of justice and charity. This is more clearly expressed by Hooker in the following words :"The like natural inducement hath brought men to know that it is no less their duty to love others than themselves, for seeing those things which are equal, must needs all have