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and of other extreme measures embraced in the original reconstructive scheme of the Radical party, we incline to think that they would in any event have given their support to the modified plan, which merely deprives the South of about one-third of their representation in Congress if they refuse the blacks the right of suffrage, and exclude from office those who took an active part either as civil or military officers of the late Confederate Government. However, it is needless to speculate on what might have been the result if the President had been more prudent or exhibited more tact, since it is admitted that, as matters stand, the elections will be so far favourable to the Radical party as to give them absolute power in the next se-sion of Congress.


According to the well-informed correspondent of a contemporary, Mr. Weed and other friends of the President have advised him to yield to a power against which he cannot contend. They would have him avert from the South the danger of being subjected to conditions at least as severe as those originally proposed, by accepting that modified plan of reconstruction which we have just described. It can scarcely be doubted that Mr. Johnson would do well to take this advice, and that the South would do equally well to reconcile itself to a fate which is perfectly inevitable. The question in issue at the present elections is substantially whether the North should prefer an easy but perhaps superficial accommodation of recent differences - immediate restoration of the Union, plausible in appearance, but possibly treacherous in reality. should insist upon retaining its control over the South until the virus of secession had been completely expelled. That question is now substantially decided in favour of the latter alternative, and as the North has abundant power to enforce any policy which it may deliberately adopt, it is clear that the late Confederate States would act wisely in accepting the situation with the best possible grace. It is clear that they have no power to resist or even materially to harass their conquerors. The collapse of such a state of society as existed amongst them before the Rebellion is fatal and decisive when once it takes place; and if they do not feel it themselves, every one else can see that they are perfectly at the mercy of their conquerors. It is, however, doubtful whether they will again be offered the comparatively moderate terms which their not unnatural, but as it has turned out most unfortunate, confidence in Mr. Johnson led them to reject.

The Radicals, flushed with a victory of unexpected completeness, show every disposition to push their successes to the utmost. The design of impeaching the President seems to be seriously entertained, and some plausible grounds have been found for so extreme and hitherto unprecedented a proceeding. The charges against him are three in number. In the first place, he is accused of usurping the exclusive power of appointment to offices in the public service, and converting the civil servants of the Government into creatures of his own; in the second place, with making peace with the Confederate States by proclamation without consulting Congress; and in the third place, with disposing of prizes in violation of an article of the Constitution which gives to Congress, and to Congress alone, the power to make rules concerning captures by land and water. The first of these charges is considered the most serious; but although there may be good ground for saying Mr. Johnson has evaded the Constitution by dismissing, during the recess of Congress, all fuctionaries who will not support his policy, and then filling their places by friends of his own, for whose nomination sanction of the Senate has not been obtained, still it does not appear to us that he can be said to bave violated the Constitution, which allows him to appoint to vacancies arising during a recess and does not forbid him from creating them by his own act. No doubt he has abused his power, but we cannot see that he has exceeded it, and, at all events, he has in this respect done no more than Mr. Lincoln did at the time of his second election for the Presidency. It is, however, comparatively immaterial whether the charges will, in point of law, support an impeachment. The only important points are whether the Radicals will vote them sufficient, and whether, if they proceed to act upon them, the President will submit. Upon the first point it would be premature to offer an opinion, for the ultimate decision of the party will depend upon a variety of circumstances about which we know nothing at present. The second point is not so doubtful. Although the President may have ordered some troops to Washington, we utterly disbelieve in the probability of that new civil war about which some people are said to be talking. Depend upon it, neither General Grant nor any other general will resist Congress by force, especially after the result of very recent elections has shown conclusively that that body is supported by the nation. And even if any military leader did entertain such a notion, he would be

powerless to carry out a design from which offence even if General Dix should talk the soldiers under his command-citizens rather more peremptorily than Mr. Bigelow as well as soldiers would certainly recoil. about the withdrawal of the French troops. The Americans will, we have not the slightest We are, moreover, quite unable to see that doubt, be able to arrange their present as the President can derive any advantage they have arranged other domestic difficul- from a bellicose policy, which his opponents ties, which did not involve territorial inter- would be equally ready to adopt if they ests, without an appeal to force; nor do we were in his place. Upon the whole we come suppose that the peace of the world will be therefore to the conclusion that, in Ameriseriously disturbed even if the President can phraseology, Andrew Johnson is "playshould seek to recover the prestige which he ed out," and that nothing remains for him has lost in the recent elections by the adop- and his Southern clients but to "cave in " tion of a more vigorous policy in regard to on the best terms they can get from the Mexico. So far as we can judge, that empire mercy or generosity of antagonists who have is too nearly defunct to become a cause of a fixed and well-defined policy, and are quarrel; and after the Emperor Napoleon wanting neither in the power nor the resohas yielded so much to American remon- lution to carry it out. strances, he is not likely to take any violent

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No. 1173. Fourth Series, No. 34. 24 November, 1866.

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THEODORE DWIGHT, a well-known citizen, died at his house in Brooklyn yesterday, aged seventy years. He was the son of the late Hon. Theodore Dwight, formerly member of Congress from Connecticut, and afterwards for many years editor of the Daily Advertiser in this city. He was graduated at Yale College in 1814, in the largest class that had ever left that college.

His life was spent in literary and philanthropic pursuits, to which he was most disinterestedly devoted. He early adopted the practice of acquiring languages in the spoken way, and his proficiency was such that he was able to converse with readiness in French, Spanish, Italian, German, Greek, and to some extent in Hebrew and Arabic; he could also read and translate from all these. He was an early advocate of changing our method of studying Greek, so as to teach it as a living language; in which idea he was understood to have the concurrence of the late President Felton and other eminent Grecians of this country.

His facility in language, united with the benevolence of his heart, and his ardent love of liberty, made him the ready friend of the various political exiles who, at one time or another, have sought refuge on our shores, from Spain, Portugal, Italy, South America, and Mexico. The Mosqueras, Garibaldi, Rivera, Orestes, and many other living patriots in all those countries, will feel that they have lost a true and earnest friend.

At the time of his death he was diligently employing every leisure moment in the translaof Spanish works into English, and English into Spanish, to promote the introduction of our usages and books into the schools of the Spanish-American states, and to increase the mutual interest and intercourse of our respec

tive countries.

He was a man of the most sensitive uprightness and sincerity, and always ready to confer a favor or lend a helping hand in any good work, without sparing his own labor and with small regard for his own interest. In this way he lived and worked, without any sensible abatement of activity or ability, up to the very end

of his life.

On Monday last he accompanied his married daughter to Jersey City, where she took the train to rejoin her husband in the South. As he took leave of her in the car he found the door fastened, and before it could be opened the train had begun to move, so that in leaping out he was thrown down and severely bruised. His daughter saw him fall, and entreated that the train might stop; but, we are told, without effect, until she had been carried to a considerable distance, when some gentlemen interposed and the conductor consented to set her out upon the track, with her two children, one a babe, and without attendant, to find her way back on foot as she might. She was able at length to reach her father, and found him alive, conscious and peaceful. He lived to be brought home, to

greet and comfort his family, and then departed before the break of day.-N. Y. Evening Post, 17 Oct.

The greater part of his life was passed in this city, in diligent devotion to literary and philanthropic pursuits. His great familiarity with modern languages, with his benevolence and love of liberty, made him the useful friend of great numbers of political exiles from other lands, who will mourn his loss. Patriot Garibaldi, and many others, will honor his memory. His learning was various, both in languages and in natural science. He was secretary of the Ethnological Society, was engaged in preparing works in Spanish for the Tract Society, was associate editor of the Israelite Indeed, was a constant contributor to the public press, had mastered not only the Arabic but several native languages of Africa, was a devoted laborer in Sunday-schools, was ready to the utmost of his power and at any sacrifice to help in every good work, and had filled out the ordinary term of human life in labors of benevolence, and in studies for the advancement of mankind. He was an humble, firm, consistent, and happy Christian, and his name is a mantle of benediction to his bereaved family.-Evangelist.

For many years it had been his custom to travel over all the prominent spots in this country that have been dignified by wisdom, bravery or virtue,' taking down in his memorandum-book the early historical incidents of the revolution from the lips of the actors themselves, and with his pencil sketching all points and places of interest. In this way he had accumulated nearly a hundred of these books, filled with the most interesting reminiscences of our early history, which, but for this custom, would have been irretrievably lost. It was but a few days before his decease that in speaking with him upon this subject we urged upon him, in view of the uncertainty of life, the immediate preparation of these notes for publication. In this he concurred, and stated that as soon as he had finished the preparation of a lecture upon Personal Reminiscences of the early movements in Natural History in New York and Brooklyn,' shortly to be delivered before the Long Island Historical Society, he would attend to it. It is to be hoped, however, that the family of the deceased will gather up these literary remains and carry out the intention of their author in giving them to the public.-N. Y. Journal of Commerce.


Mr. Dwight was prominently a philanthropist and literateur. He could converse in seven languages and read others. He was a friend of nearly all the refugees who have sought our hospitality. He labored to create a closer intimacy between the United States and Spanish South America. In these and similar pursuits he was engaged until, in the beginning of this week, he suffered an injury on a railway, which terminated his life. — Philadelphia North American,

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