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ested sentiment. If a man is not courageous idle to speculate whether a truly Liberal or unselfish or magnanimous at forty, he is Minister in Count Bismark's place could not likely to be so at sixty or at seventy. have accomplished by other means what he As soon as he bas destroyed all his idols of has accomplished by the unscrupulous but both sexes, his growth in these directions judicious use of force. People believe in stops short, and when he burns no more in the brilliant results they see; and are not cense to any hero or heroine, his capacity likely to believe in an equally brilliant or for becoming a hero himself deserts him. more brilliant Might-have-been, resulting Hero-worship, therefore, confined within from a quite different policy. But admitreasonable limits, is the salt of life, and ting in the highest degree the capacity though it may be an inevitable law that which Count Bismark has shown, and the sooner or later we find out the hollowness, magnitude of his share in the unification of not merely of our dreams, but of our idols, North Germany, it is yet a gross exaggerathe approach of the inexorable hour when tion of the intellectual credit (if we are to we shall do so is the approach, for most of call it so) due to the principal actor in the us, of a period of moral stagnation, if not of recent drama to forget, as we are all forgetmoral decline.
ting, how much even of the brilliant success of the present moment is due to the able and obstinate persistency of the great Liberal majority in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies during the last few years of
struggle. Count Bismark, though he has From the Spectator, 1 Sept.
played the winning game, is perfectly aware
that he can win at last only by concession THE SHARE OF THE PRUSSIAN LIBERALS of the greatest point at issue; nay, more, IN THE VICTORY OF GERMANY. he is aware that it is only by the aid of the
very party whom he has hitherto so strenuThe more brilliant and conspicuous ously snubbed and opposed that he can agents in a great political revolution always even now reap the harvest of success he has get more than their proportionate share of within his reach. Let us look only at the the credit of their performances. This may position of Prussia at the moment when even bave been the case with Count Cavour, peace with Austria was signed, and considto whom no doubt, far more than to any one er for a moment how much of the glory of man except Mazzini, and intellectually far that position is due, not to the brilliant more than to Mazzini himself
, Italy owes Minister who has waged the war and exher unity. Yet had not almost all Italians torted an indemnity even from his old adbeen in a slight degree what Cavour was in versaries at home, but to those comparathe highest degree, had they not almost all tively insignificant adversaries themselves shared his purposes, and in some degree who have exercised so explicitly and with even his powers, had there not been a dif- so much dignified reserve the prerogative fused tenacity of purpose, subtlety of intel- of forgiveness, and who are obviously now lect, and farsightedness of patience in them, to be made the most important of Count as in him, Cavour would never have achiev- Bismark's allies and collaborateurs in what ed or even attempted his great task. And yet remains to be done. what is in some degree true of Cavour is in In the first place, then, it is due to the a very large degree true of Count Bismark. Liberals in the late assembly of Prussian His power no doubt is great. He has esti- Deputies, and probably to them alone, that mated truly the paramount importance, in so many in the newly annexed States dea country of too fuid intellect like Prussia, mand their incorporation with the Prussian of securing a good hard kernel in a perfect- monarchy, and value so highly the promise ly organized military system. He has of an immediate share in the Prussian Conknown how to select his instruments well. stitution. Had the assembly permitted itIn Count Moltke he has had the fortune to self to be worsted in the long struggle on light upon a man of real genius as a Gene- the budget on which it has now won a final ral, he has played off Austria against the and express victory, clinched by the forLegitimist prejudices of the King with con- mal adoption of a mild but explicit censure summate skill. He even managed his quar- on the Government of King William, which rel with the House of Deputies so as to in- that Government respectfully submits to in crease his own power with his master, and accepting the offered indemnity, — had it, gain a more complete influence in shaping in short, been the mere passive instrument his policy. All this he has done, and it is of a despotic government, it is quite certain
that the States of North Germany, instead | now openly evinces his respect in accepting of dropping almost like ripe fruit into the censure and pardon at the hands of his late hand of Prussia, would be a nest of popular adversaries, did in fact effect this much, intrigues against the successful invader. that it made the Parliament of Prussia á though it is the hand of Count Bismark political reality, attracting to itself large which has overcome the official obstacles sympathy in all the other States of Gerto annexation, it is the conduct of the ma- many; and probably the King is no heartjority in the Prussian Parliament which has ily congratulating himself that he never rendered so large a number of the people of took the last step of hostility towards his these minor States willing to cast in their recusant Parliament, by openly suppressing lot with Prussia. When Count Schwerin it
, and tearing up the Constitution to which and his friends pointed out in the recent he had sworn. If rumour says right that debate that, were the extension of the Prus- this was what Count Bismark often advised sian Constitution to the newly annexed his master to do, he must feel in some reStates to be delayed beyond a single year, spects thankful that the King was not altothose countries, deprived of their political gether “what he would have been if the rights and freedom, would soon swarm with Minister had bad the making of him.”. Undisaffection, Count Bismark had himself to questionably the position of Prussia is now admit the danger thus pointed out, and to for all purposes infinitely stronger than it promise that they should not be subjected could have been had the alternative been to the indignity of a merely military admin- between a North Germany ruled by a desistration by the Crown beyond the shortest potic military administration and the grant term absolutely necessary to initiate the of a bran new constitution, in the working new régime. Yet had the conquest been of which no one would have had any real made — and it would not have been nearly confidence. so easily made — by the army of Prussia Nor is it only in relation to the States alone, and the Prussian Constitution been now annexed that the Prussian Liberals confessedly a cipher, no prospect but that have earned much of the splendid fruits of of a military administration, such as Prus- the present crisis. In the German Parliasia has wielded in Schleswig since the con- ment which is about to assemble in Hanoquest could have been opened out to the ver or Berlin, Count Bismark would have annexed States. It was the belief that in little chance of securing the favour which being united to Prussia the people of the he will no doubt find for his policy, could new States would be able to join their he not 'send amongst them a well tried body forces to that of the trustworthy and well of thorough Prussian Radicals, who are tried band of Prussian Liberals, who had well known never to have deferred to his resisted so many temptations and threats own reactionary views, and who are yet through many years' campaign, which disposed, since his recent concessions, to reconciled those States to the new regime; co-operate with him in extending the area and this Count Bismark virtually and very of German unity. We have only just wisely acknowledges when he promises that learned, from that old letter by the present there shall be no unnecessary delay in giv- King of Prussia which has just seen the ing the new populations all the political light concerning the imperial-revolutionary privileges of Prussians. Even now he ad- scheme of German unity sketched out in mits, with his usual boldness, that there will 1849, how mere a shadow a revolutionary be much disaffeetion, and perhaps many Parliament would have made of the Empeattempts to win back the territory gained. ror of Germany, if such a Parliament had Prussia, he blurted out, might still have to assembled in a mood of purely Fatherland fight once more for wbat she had gained. enthusiasm, and without any experience But he knows well that the element of loy- and political self-reliance of its own on the alty in the new acquisitions consists in one side, or any disposition to trust its proloyalty to the Prussian Parliament, in desire posed Emperor on the other. Had Count for the political privileges of Prussians un- Bismark been obliged to summon a German der the Constitution, and not in loyalty to Parliament without winning first the confithe Prussian Crown. And if Prussian poli- dence of the majority of the popular leadtical privileges are worth anything — and ers in Prussia, it would have assembled in all agree that they are worth much — it is the very same mood in which it assembled the labours of the Liberal Prussian Deputies in 1849, -one of double distrust, both disthat have given them that worth. The trust in its own power to bind the royal steady, though apparently fruitless, resist- prerogative, and distrust in the royal perance of years, for which Count Bismark son whom it proposed to bind. And, therefore, we may be sure its proposals would living of Borne, three miles from Canterhave been wild and impracticable, ineffi- bury, in the year 1600, and probably in the cient to carry the common sense of Ger- month of November. His lifetime thus many with it, and therefore also incompe- coincided very nearly with the reign of tent to aid materially him who summoned Queen Elizabeth (1556-1603), and with the it in cementing German unity. But now second great outburst of Protestantism there will be in the German Parliament a which began after the Diet of Augsburg in body of Prussi
Liberals who have waged 1555, and was thrown back in the later a long war, and on the whole won it, part of the century by the efforts of the against the royal prerogative, and who are Jesuits, aided by the Roman Catholic soveryet satisfied to limit and check rather than eigns, and especially by Phillip II. Hooker's abolish that prerogatite, and to use it as earlier impressions must thus have been the centre of unity and kernel of adminis- those of hope and victory. He belonged to trative strength for Germany. These men, the party of progress in the greatest crisis we may be sure, will command immense which the world had then seen for many weight. The Parliament which is to meet centuries a greater crisis in some respects will be no more debating club of wild ora- than any which has followed it. In his later tory, such as sat at Frankfort seventeen years, on the other hand, he must to some. years ago. Saxony is already fretting at extent have felt himself more or less upon the arbitrary decree which separates her the defensive, though the firmness with which fate from that of the rest of Germany. Protestantism was settled in England, and Even in Baden and Wurtemburg there are the slightness of the communication with popular meetings to demand unity with foreign countries which existed in those Prussia.' On materials such as these the days in comparison with what exists at presGerman Parliament, ably led by Prussians ent, may have prevented him from perceirwho bave the fullest confidence of the peo- ing the full force of the turn in the tide. ple, will work with no insignificant result, The Ecclesiastical Polity has, so to speak, we may be sure. And thus not only for a triple aspect. It is at once a philosophiwhat has been already achieved, but for the cal, a theological, and a political treatise; extension of those achievements in the fu- and in order to do justice to the importance ture, Germany is beholden certainly not of this, we ought to remember how vast a less to the noble party of Prussian Liberals, change had at that time come over the literawho through ill report and good report ture of all Europe, and especially over that stuck to their principles in the face of all of England. It was the age of the great Count Bismark's threats and temptations, revival of letters, and books were just bethan to the genius of the Minister who has ginning to be published which were confound the physical means for breaking down structed on the classical rather than on the the rotten party-walls between State and scholastic model. All that we now understand State of the great German nation.
by moral science - metaphysics, logic, theology, law in all its various applications — had for centuries been treated as so many branches of theology, and bad been investigated, if at all, by the scholastic methods. Hooker was
the first great English writer who broke From the Saturday Review. through these fetters, except for exclusively
controversial purposes; and although he HOOKER'S ECLESIASTICAL POLITY. *
had in other parts of Europe a few prede. IF the value of Hooker's Ecclesiastical
- as, for instance, Machiavel — and Polity be considered in relation to the age taigne, he is undoubtedly entitled to a
a few contemporaries, as Bodin and Monand the state of thought prevalent at the time of its appearance, it will perhaps be leading place in the class of literature to considered one of the most remarkable books
which he belonged. Nor must it be forgotin English literature. It may, indeed, be
ten that there were peculiarities in his situsaid to have contained in itself the germ gree of practcial importance to his writings
ation as an Englishman which gave from which several characteristically Eng. that belonged to those of no other man till lish schools of thought ultimately grew. It may we come to Grotius, in the next generation. be convenient just to mention that Hooker The Church of England, the theory of was born in 1553 at Exeter, and died at his which he did so much to form and to enunci
* Eight Books of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Poz. ate, was an almost unique institution. It ity. By Richard Hooker.
was the most important of the Protestant
bodies. Its constitution had more compre-resented in the subsequent history of the hensive aims, and was constructed on more Church and State of England. The work statesmanlike principles, than that of any falls naturally into three great divisions. other church, and it was much more closely The first contains the first and second connected than any other with the active po- books, though perhaps the second book litical life of a great nation. Our own expe- might with more propriety be put in the rience has shown us in many different second division. The second contains the ways how all English speculation is affected third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh books; by the closeness of its relation to practice. and the third the eighth. These divisions This gives it on the one side great vigour may not unfairly be taken to represent the and originality, and, on the other, a fond- three aspects of which we have already ness for details, and an adaptation to imme- spoken — the philosophical, the theological, diate results, which more or less hampers and the political respectively — though the and narrows it. This peculiarity is to be seventh book is closely connected with the traced more or less in all our great writers, eighth. and we know of no one in whom it is more The first book of Hooker is well known to conspicuous than in Hooker. Sometimes every one who has anything like a comwe find him discoursing about the essence petent acquaintance with English literature. of law and the broadest principles of morals; Perhaps its most remarkable quality is its and then, again, we fall upon endless dis- extraordinary poetical power. The magcussions with Cartwright as to the pettiest nificent sentences with which it ends sum of petty matters — the turn of some par- up its doctrine with such an incomparable ticular phrase, or the propriety of some majesty and nobility of phrase that we shall small ceremony in the Prayer-Book. Of all be pardoned for repeating them, familiar as the limitations which his character as an they are :Englishman imposed upon him as on other English theological writers, pone probably Wherefore that here we may briefly end : of has detracted more from the permanent law there can be no less acknowledged than value of Hooker's writings, and from those that her seat is the bosom of God, her voice of others like him, than the necessity of the harmony of the world : all things in heaven writing controversy.
and earth do her homage, the very least as
Most of our great feeling her care, and the greatest as not extheological books are more or less controver- empted from her power: both angels and men sial, and though this occasionally gives them and creatures of what condition soever, though surprising spirit and precision, it certainly each in different sort and manner, yet all with impedes the flow and development of their uniform consent admiring her as the mother of authors' thoughts, and encumbers their books their peace and joy. with a great deal of matter the interest of which, such as it was, las entirely died This, it is hardly necessary to say, is the away. Most readers of Hooker must have keynote of Hooker. The Law of Nature got very much tired of Cartwright and his is his name for that majestic order which errors, but it is fair to say that few, if any, he believed to reign over all things, divine controversial books are so little disfigured and human, and to conform to which is the with the polemical spirit as the Ecclesiasti- great object of human life :ca! Polity. Upon the whole, it may be viewed as the first great effort made in All things do work, after a sort, according to modern times to give the full theory of a law; all other things according to a law whereples upon which it was founded, and to of God have'him both for their worker, and great institution, to show the ideal princi- of some superior unto whom they are subject sindicate its substantial agreement with that for the law whereby they are wrought. The ideal. The number of books even now being of God is a kind of law to his working, which can claim such a character is by no for that perfection which God is giveth perfecmeans great, and in that day'it stood al- tion to that he doth. most alone.
Taking this view in general of the char- After much of this mystical and marvelacter and position of the Ecclesiastical lously eloquent extolling of the ultimate Polity, we will now attempt to give some principles of morals as being, so to speak, sort of sketch of what we have called its identified with the Divine existence - in triple aspect — its aspect, namely, towards which both the style and the thought often philosophy, towards theology, and towards recall Bossuet — Hooker goes on to show politics — and to show how the principles how, in all created and imperfect beings, which its author inculcated have been rep- there is “an appetite or desire whereFOURTH SERIEA. LIVING AGE.
by they incline to something which they true character could possibly be proved. may be, which as yet they are not in “ The authority of man, if we mark it, is act.” They are thus moved to seek their the key which openeth the door of entrance law, or the rule of their conduct, for “ that into the knowledge of the Scripture.” which doth assign unto each thing the kind, These, amplified and illustrated in various thạt which doth moderate the force and ways, are the points which form the philopower, that which doth appoint the form sophical introduction to Hooker's great and measure of working, the same we term work. Their connection with the rest of a law.” Reason enables them to do so, and the book is by no means altogether clear, therefore " the sentence that reason giveth but we agree with Mr. Hallam in thinking concerning the goodness of those things that Hooker's object was to lay a foundathat they are to do” is “the rule of volun- tion for his distinction between laws which tary agents upon earth.” Its main princi- are and laws which are not of perpetual ples are self-evident, and the rest are to be obligation, and to reach the conclusion discovered by deduction from them. This which is the fundamental principle of his natural or rational law is, according to whole work, that the laws of Church gove Hooker, the very foundation of all con- ernment are mutable and temporary. For sistent conduct, and is, as a matter of fact, it follows, from his view of the case, that universal with but few, and those insignifi- those laws only are of perpetual obligation cant, exceptions; and the highest of all which can be shown to exist by self-evident the laws which reason discovers is the love principles of reason, or which are declared of God. “Something there must be de- perpetual by, express revelation contained sired for itself simply, and for no other,” in Scripture itself. and this must be infinite, otherwise it could Whatever was the connection of the first not be infinitely desired. “No good is book of Hooker with the remainder of the infinite but only God, therefore he is our work, its connection with the subsequent felicity and bliss.". The Scriptures are a course of moral and political speculation in supernatural law forming a complement to England was most important, and is suffithe law of nature, and resting on and guar ciently manifest in all the great Church of anteed by it.
England theologians. The doctrine, thrown The second book is an argument to refute into a very few words, is, indeed, nothing the Puritanical view of the Bible as being else than that the ultimate tests of moral a cyclopædia of all knowledge and all truth, and religious truth are conscience and reaso that nothing could be affirmed to be right son. They are to be applied to all subor to be a duty which could not be express-jects, and especially to all subjects conly proved to be such out of the Bible. Few nected with Church government, using for passages in the whole work are more inter- their instrnction all other knowledge that esting or vigorous than that in which this may be available, and especially the experiopinion is denounced :
ence of past times, but using it in the spirit
not of servility to a tradition, but of free Admit this, and mark, I beseech you, what inquiry applied to a profoundly interesting would follow. God, in delivering Scripture branch of knowledge, and employed in to his church, should clean have abrogated solving one of the most difficult of all the amongst them the law of nature, which is an problems of the art of government. Hooker infallible knowledge imprinted in the minds of preaches this doctrine with a degree of all the children of men, whereby both general unction and enthusiasm which it seldom exprinciples for directing of human actions are comprehended and conclusions derived from cites, but which in him was obviously sinthem; upon which conclusions groweth in cere, and quite natural. The effect of this particularity the choice of good and evil in the great example on the subsequent course of daily affairs of this life. Admit this, and what speculation in the Church of England has shall the Scripture be but a snare and a tor been prodigious. It has supplied the High ment to weak consciences, filling them with Church school from Laud downwards with infinite perplexities, scrupulosities, doubts in those affinities to liberalism of which it has soluble, and extreme despairs.
never altogether lost the tradition, and it
gave the first example of another kind of After denouncing this doctrine, Hooker religious speculation which has been far goes on to describe at length the objects more powerful and more widely influential. for which, in his opinion, the Bible" was It would be difficult to say whether Laud written. He views it throughout as being or Chillingworth bad most in common with the natural ally of rçason, resting itself for Hooker, and both. Laud and Chillingworth its authority on reason, whereby alone its stand at the head of a long line of intel