From the London Review, Nov. 10. VICTOR EMMANUEL AND VENICE. ON Wednesday last Victor Emmanuel entered Venice, and the union between the Queen of the Adriatic and the kingdom of Italy was thus formally consummated. The reception of the sovereign by his new subjects was, we are told, of the most enthusiastic kind, and we can readily believe it. For his presence in the Cathedral of St. Mark was the realization of hopes long deferred, the visible termination of sufferings endured with heroic patience, and the inauguration of an era as we and the Italians alike trust of national freedom and prosperity. When we reflect on all that Austrian domination has been to Italy - how it has crushed her material prosperity-how it has depressed and degraded her people-how it has filled the dungeons of Spielberg and other fortresses with her noblest sons, and has weighed like a nightmare upon the nation -we cannot wonder that the people should have abandoned themselves for a time to almost delirious manifestations of joy at their complete and final emancipation. Least of all can we wonder at such manifestations of delight on the part of those upon whom the strongholds of the Quadrilateral have so long frowned in sullen and, as it seemed, in secure defiance. However, the fidelity of the Venetians to their own cause and that of Italy has been at last rewarded; and if deliverance has come in an unhoped for way, it is perhaps for that very reason only a more striking and conclusive proof that those who are true to themselves need never despair. The oppressor may be strong, but the fact that he is an oppressor is always a source of weakness, and they who know how to wait are likely to find in that weakness an opportunity when they least expect it. The Venetians have certainly known how to wait. It is difficult to conceive any thing more noble than the manner in which they have borne themselves during their long trial. Never breaking out into premature or purposeless revolt never in a single instance tainting their good cause by deeds of violence or crime they have nevertheless maintained a constant and emphatic protest against the Austrian rule. A light-hearted and joyous people, they have abandoned every form of gayety or amusement rather than enable any one to say that they were contented with their lot. They have steadily refused to accept any such alleviation of their sufferings as they might more than once have purchased, by lending to the Austrian Government assistance in the administration of their provincial affairs. And when such aid could be useful, their vo teers escaping across the frontier at the risk of their lives have made their way to the Italian ranks, and have been encouraged to do so by those whom they left behind, exposed to the insults or the injuries of their foreign masters. In every way in which it was possible, they have manifested their steady and abiding purpose to live for union with Italy, and for that alone; and although they have not been able to take any part in the war to which they owe their emancipation, no one can doubt that their firmness and steadfastness materially influenced the result. By their conduct they made even the Austrian statesmen sensible that the possession of Venetia was a loss rather than a gain to the empire; and they were thus mainly instrumental in bringing about that prompt cession of their territory, which averted the sacrifice of so many Italian lives. Had the Venetians behaved otherwise than they have done-had they encouraged the Austrians to think that they might ever become contentedly submissivemore than one stubborn battle would have been fought, and more than one protracted siege must have been undertaken, before the Quadrilateral was surrendered by its garrison. If Venice owes much to Italy, Italy perhaps owes even more to Venice. They meet at last on terms of perfect equality. It is impossible at such a moment to avoid speculating on the probable future of the city which has just welcomed Victor Enanuel. Will she remain a mere storehouse of antiquities-the favourite haunt of the tourists of all nations and of both Continents or will the hum of commerce and manufactures be once more heard along her silent canals; and her beautiful lagoons be again covered, as in days of old, with the shipping of many nations? So far as we can at present form an opinion on the point, the answer to these questions must be one of a qualified character. It is not likely that Venice will become a great trading port with countries to the west of Italy or outside the Mediterranean. The situation of Genoa must give her immense advantages in such commerce, and she will no doubt retain the position which she has gained. But on the other hand, when railways have been constructed through the Swiss and the Austrian Alps. a considerable portion of the trade between central Europe and the Levant may pass through Venice. Much, of course, will depend upon the spirit with which the people avail themselves of the opportunities which now lie open to them, and something | ence will have the happiest effect in raising upon the measures which the Italian Gov- the tone and increasing the efficiency of the ernment may take to develop the resources Parliament. That is at present the imporand stimulate the energies of the province. tant point. Domestic legislation should now But as the present melancholy condition of assume for the Italians the importance which trade, manufactures, and even agriculture, foreign questions have ceased to possess. in Venetia is in a great measure due to the oppressive fiscal systems of the Austrians, there is every reason to anticipate that under a better government every branch of industry will revive, and that the material wellbeing of the country will be sensibly promoted by its union with Italy. Venice will probably lose some of that picturesque gloom which was so fascinating to the sentimental of both sexes; but she will not, on that account, be less attractive to the great mass of foreign visitors. The spectacle of a happy, contented, and energetic people ought to be not less grateful to us than deserted canals or mouldering palaces; nor will the paintings of Titian, Tintoretto, or Paul Veronese lose any of their splendour, because those for whom they were painted have once more the heart to admire and enjoy them. Upon the whole, therefore, we are inclined to predict for Venice a moderate but substantial share of prosperity. She - she will not in our opinion may not resume her old place at the head of Italian commerce, but she will constitute, even in a purely material sense, a valuable addition to the wealth and strength of the Italian kingdom. The Roman problem still remains unsolved but its solution cannot be far distant, and in the mean time the fact that it still exists does not constitute a danger or a menace to the new kingdom. The Papal rule in Rome may be an annoyance, but it cannot be anything worse. It does not necessitate the keeping on foot of a large army. It should not engross the attention of the people. They may safely leave it to the inevitable fate which is impending over it. They cannot safely defer the reforms which are requisite in every branch of their administration. It is of little use to have made a country, if they cannot also make the people prosperous and intelligent - if they cannot insure the security to life and property in every one of their provinces, if events like the recent revolt at Palermo are liable to recur at intervals, and if a large portion of the population still remain sunk in ignorance and poverty. A great work has been accomplished; but a more difficult, if not a greater, work still remains behind. We trust and believe that the Italians will prove equal to the latter as to the former. But, if they are to succeed, they must lose no time in setting to work. There is now no fear of foreign invasion no hope of conquering another Italian province- to exercise their potent influence in suppressing provincial jealousies and maintaining the unity of the nation. Whatever elements of disunion there are in the country are now free to work; and they will do so, mischiev ously if not disastrously, unless they are encountered by a firm and resolute Government, supported by a Parliament which has insight to perceive the wants of the country, and patriotism to pursue steadily the general advantage and that alone. In a political point of view the effect of the union will, we anticipate, be very beneficial. The great danger which at present attends the working of free institutions in Italy arises from the character of the Southern deputies in the Italian Parliament. They have few of the qualities which the Northern Italians possess in so remarkable a degree. They are wanting in sobriety of thought, in steadiness of action; and while we fear that they are not conspicuous for public spirit, they are constantly ready to cavil, and much given to intrigue. All things considered, it is even surprising that they are no worse. But still, it cannot be denied that they are a deleterious element in the Chamber of Deputies. The addition of the Venetian representatives to that assembly will materially strengthen the THE REORGANIZATION OF THE FRENCH Northern section, and will, in fact, insure the preponderance of the latter in the national councils. In all measures for promot- Ir is we fear only too certain that the ing education, for diminishing the influence Government of France is about to take a of the Church, and for liberalizing the in- step which will affect the prosperity of stitutions of the country, the Venetians are every country in Europe, including our own. certain to co-operate energetically; and we The Emperor Napoleon has decided upon a have no doubt that their presence and influ-large and permanent increase to the milita From the Economist, Nov. 10. ARMY. ry force of France. It has been for some months the men of this class will carry on time believed that His Majesty, who is a their ordinary occupations, but will be liakeen observer of events in Germany, had ble, if called upon, to serve anywhere, and decided to adopt some modification of the for any necessary time within certain limits Prussian system of recruiting, to base the of age. They would, for instance, be ready army as it were upon the entire nation. To both to defend the frontier against an invasuch a reform the outside world could have sion from Prussia, and to relieve an army offered no objection, the additional strength ordered to attempt an invasion of England. thus acquired being counterbalanced by the France, in fact, would have the complete additional difficulty of calling out the na-effective control of 1,000,000 men without tion for any purpose of aggression. French- apparently paying for more than 550,000, men, who are as fond of money as English- that is, 400,000 regulars, and a fourth of men, would be slow to leave their occupa- the time of 600,000 reserves. tions, for any war not involving national independence, and with all France armed and drilled no government could be purely despotic. This idea, however, if ever entertained, has been abandoned, and the Moniteur de l'Armée, which is as strictly official a paper as the Moniteur, has been instructed to inform the world, that the Emperor contemplates no reduction, but an increase in the available reserve, and may be compelled to call on France for further sacrifices essential to her honour, safety, and political position. It seems further to be understood in Paris that the extent of these sacrifices has also been decided on. The army of France now numbers in time of peace 400,000 trained soldiers, withdrawn entirely from the occupations of civil life, and daily exercised for war. This number, more than twice that of our own army, can be raised in time of war to 600,000 men, far the largest army existing in Western Europe, admirably drilled, and shortly to be supplied with the newest weapons. It is considered, however, by the Emperor and his military advisers that the number is insufficient, and while the regular army, which sent 40,000 men to Mexico and 20,000 to Rome without inconvenience, is to be kept up to its full strength, the reserve is to be increased until in time of extremity the Empire can rely upon a million of thoroughly trained men, a force the elder Napoleon never lev. ied in France. This addition is to be made upon a plan something like this in principle, details not being yet settled. The army is at present kept up by balloting from among the classes liable to serve, that is the whole population between certain ages, 100,000 men a year, a number raised in time of war to 120,000. By an increased call, by abolishing exemptions and by other means, the annual draft is to be raised to 200,000, of whom, however, half will be considered to belong to the "second category," will, that is, be drilled, cantoned, and treated as regular soldiers only for three mouths in the year. During the other nine Further, the devotion of a fourth of the Should this sketch represent even approximately the Imperial plan, and we fear that it represents it very nearly, a very severe blow will have been struck at the prosperity of France and of all Europe. Despite the recent changes in Germany, France is still the leading power of the Continent, the one whose example has most influence, whose ambition is most dreaded, whose movement is seen to be most swift and deadly. The plan involves an immense and permanent increase to her active force, and every Power, therefore, will feel itself compelled to increase its means of defence in equal proportion. Prussia, it is true, cannot do this, her entire population being already enrolled, but she will be prevented from allowing relaxations, while Austria and Russia have already sanctioned plans of increase. Belgium sighs gloomily over a proposed increase of one-third to her standing army, Italy pauses in her reductions, and our own Government is believed to be debating new and expensive improvements in recruiting. The Emperor's decision, in fact, will throw an additional weight on every budget in Europe, and there are only two, our own and that of Berlin, which are in a satisfactory condition. It will, moreover, throw a burden on every State, much greater very much greater than that on the Exchequer, The additions to the army will everywhere take the form of reserves - that is, of soldiers withdrawn in part from industrial occupation without being thrown entirely upon the national revenue. France, for example, will lose, besides the cost of her reserve, three months labour of 600.000 men, worth, at bare wages rate, 3,600,000 a year, and really worth in productiveness as much again. It is an addition to her sacrifices, all items included, of certainly not less than one-tenth of her revenue, an addition of two shillings in the pound to the whole taxation of France- a frightful load to be imposed for an unproductive purpose. year to drill not only destroys the produc-| santly, and the Latin either remains station ary, or, as in Latin America, positively declines by intermixture? Further, there is another danger which we earnestly recommend to the attention of the Emperor. It is essential for the tranquillity of Europe that France should not be internally disturbed; and well as he knows his own country we doubt whether he realises the discontent, the bitter disappointment with which the peasantry will receive decrees increasing their liability to absence from their farms. Life is hard for them now, hired labour is growing very dear, and land is weighted heavily with mortgages. They endure the conscription calmly, for they were born under it, it is part to them of the order of things, a risk like cholera or toothache for which they blame no one. But. suppose the liability to toothache doubled by a human decree, newly, and without apparent reason. They will be terribly discontented, and of discontent in France there are priests enough, liberals enough, legitimists enough to take every advantage. An army, it is true, can be trusted to enforce any conscription law, but the discontent will only be suppressed to add vigour to some remonstrance which the army may be less determined to put down. Is it worth while for the sake of an increase of merely apparent power to alienate even a portion of the people, to increase the sterility of the population, to add ten per cent. to French taxation, and to throw on Europe the new and terrible burden she has always to bear when France seems, or menaces, to appeal to arms in defence of her prestige. If "the Empire is Peace," let Europe have at least the benefit of the enforced tranquillity. And all for what? France has an army already quite large enough to win victories. Despite the enormous improvements in war, no European nation has yet planted more than 200,000 men upon a single battle field, or has the power of mobilising more than 400,000. France has that, 200,000 more in reserve, at least 400,000 more who have seen service, and the support of thirty-five millions of people, seven millions of males fit to bear arms, brave, obedient, and possessed of an absolutely unique capacity for rapid organization. We say nothing about defence; we admit that Frenchmen wish for a grand position abroad as well as a safe position at home, but surely this force is sufficient to attain it, especially when renewable year after year by conscription, which knows no limit except the youth of the nation. If it is sufficient, the reasons for not increasing it are almost overwhelming. Besides the consumption of economic resources, France is threatened with a danger which the new organization of the army will indefinitely increase. Her population is already stationary, a result due at least in MR. SEWARD AND THE FENIAN CONpart to the conscription, ten per cent. of her youth between twenty and thirty being retained in an occupation which forbids marriage. The reserves can marry, but men liable to three months of barrack life in every year are certain to wish greatly to postpone marriage, to dread large families, and to look upon settled household life as unattainable. The Emperor dreads very properly the subordination of the Latin race to the Teutonic and Anglo-saxon, but how is it to be avo ded while they both increase inces From the Saturday Review, Nov. 17. VICTS. MR. SEWARD has almost surpassed his previous diplomatic exploits in his late note to Sir FREDERICK BRUCE If he had wished to save the lives of the Fenian marauders who have been justly sentenced to death at Toronto, he might probably have attained his object by a confidential representation that the exercise of the mercy of the Crown would be agreeable to the American Government. It is not, however, to be of the prisoners would represent their clients only, nor could any foreign Government have a locus standi before the Court. supposed that an American Secretary of State troubles himself about the execution of a couple of piratical Irishmen. It is his nobler vocation to insult the Government of England, and more especially to call the admiring attention of his countrymen ably unprecedented in communications The tone of Mr. SEWARD'S note is probto his disregard of justice and of courtesy. among Governments of equal rank, and The note of Sir FREDERICK BRUCE was it forcibly recalls NAPOLEON'S language to accordingly published in the newspapers his dependent allies, or Prince MENSCHIKat the same time at which it was sent to its OFF's demeanour during his mission to the proper destination; and the PRESIDENT Porte in 1853. himself, two days later, referred the MAYOR ernment of the United States is required, It seems that "the Govof New York to Mr. SEWARD's letter, as a by the highest considerations of national proof of "the determination of the Gov- dignity, duty, and honour, to inquire into ernment to take all steps which may be the legality, justice, and regularity of the necessary and proper for the protection of judicial proceedings which have thus taken all its citizens, wherever they may be." place, and that, after making such a careThe note is, like Mr. SEWARD's communi- ful scrutiny, we shall expect to make cations in general, offensive, rude, and sneering. Its primary object was perhaps to influence the impending elections in the State of New York, but incidentally Mr. SEWARD no doubt wished to reduce the Canadian Government to the alternative of humiliation or of unpopular severity. It was impossible that he could be ignorant of the difficulties which he interposed in the way of any intended remission of the capital sentence. If LYNCH and M MAHON are not executed, the whole population of the United States will believe, on plausible grounds, that they owe their lives to the menaces of their own Government, and not to the clemency of Lord MONCK. In his first paragraph Mr. SEWARD states, with deliberate inaccuracy, that the prisoners have been "sentenced to death upon a charge that, being citizens of the United States, they were actors in an assault made at Fort Erie." No such charge could have been made in a Canadian Court, for the obvious reason that American citizenship forms no ingredient in any crime known to the law. MULLER was not indicted for murdering Mr. BRIGGS, "being a Prussian subject," but simply for committing the murder; and the Court at Toronto can certainly not have inquired whether LYNCH English Government will examine the Mr. SEWARD hopes that the and his accomplice were naturalized Ameri- judicial proceeding aforesaid with a careful cans or merely Irish rebels. murder, and robbery are luxuries forbid- and to the maintenance of good relations Treason, regard to the rights of the United States, den to aliens in every country, as well as between the two countries." It is imposto the indigenous population. It the United sible to understand how a friendly GovernStates Consul thought fit to assist the ment can have a right or interest in an outprisoners in their defence, no objection rage committed in a neighbouring province. could be raised to his interference. Any The remonstrances addressed by the Engcounsel or attorney whom he might employ lish Government to Naples in the matter of would be entitled to all usual facilities of the Cagliari furnish no precedent for Mr. inspecting the record, for the purpose of SEWARD's demand. In that case the prisraising substantial or technical objections oners were English subjects, acting as ento the proceedings; but the legal advisers gineers on board a Sardinian vessel which known to HER MAJESTY'S Government such opinions as the PRESIDENT, on due consideration, shall adopt." In other words, the criminal jurisdiction of Canada is to be subject to an appeal to the Government of the United States; and Mr. SEWARD coolly proceeds to intimate that delays may probably occur in the proposed revision of the sentences. ing to the PRESIDENT if you should be "It would be very gratifyable to give me an assurance that the execution of the convicted persons will be suspended if occasion for delay shall arise in the manner before mentioned to make it desirable." That one Government should inquire into "the legality, justice, and regularity" of judicial proceedings instituted under the authority of another, is a claim wholly inconsistent with national independence. There is not the smallest reason to suppose that the sentence on the Fenian freebooters is informal or irregular; and the American Government has as little concern as Austria or Spain with its substantial justice. The prisoners voluntarily withdrew themselves from the protection of the American Government when they entered a foreign country with criminal intentions. |