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of this province having resolved to adopt and carry them into execution.-Lastly-We desire the deputies from this province, may endeavour to procure an adjournment of the congress, to such a day as they shall judge proper, and the appointment of a standing committee.

AGREED, that John Dickinson, Joseph Read, and Charles Thomson, be a committee to write to the neighbouring colonies, and communicate to them the resolves and instructions.

AGREED, that the committee for the city and county of Philadelphia, or any fifteen of them, be a committee of correspondence for the general committee of this province.

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AN

ESSAY,* &c.

THE authority of parliament has within these few years been a question much agitated; and great difficulty, we understand, has occurred, in tracing the line between the rights of the mother country and those of the colonies. The modern doctrine of the former is indeed truly remarkable; for though it points out, what are not our rights, yet we can never learn from it, what are our rights. As for example--Great-Britain claims a right to take away nine-tenths of our estates have we a right

This piece has been written in such haste, under so great indisposition, and amidst such a confusion of public affairs, that it is hoped, its inaccuracies will be looked upon with indulgence. If longer time could have been bestowed upon its correction, it would have been at least shorter, if not more exact. The first appointment of a committce to form a draught of instructions, was made on the fourth of last month. See note on the extract, dated the 18th of July.

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to the remaining tenth? No.-To say we have, is a "traiterous" position, denying her supreme legislature. So far from having property, according to these late found novels, we are ourselves a property.

WE pretend not to any considerable share of learning; but, thanks be to divine Goodness, common sense, experience, and some acquaintance with the constitution, teach us a few salutary truths on this important subject.

WHATEVER difficulty may occur in tracing the line, yet we contend, that by the laws of God, and by the laws of the constitution, a line there must be, beyond which her authority cannot extend. For all these laws are "grounded on reason, full of justice, † and true equity," mild, and calculated to promote the freedom and welfare of men.

These

PARET. Deb. 7. 409. " What of that? Shall not we give judgment, because it is not adjudged in the books before? We will give judgment according to reason, and if there be no reason in the books, I will not regard them."

Speech of Anderson, lord chief justice of the queen's bench, in the reign of
Elizabeth.
GOULDSB. REP. 96. edit. 1653.

↑ "It seems to me, that the natural justice, which is a duty of man, ought to be stiled the parent, and nourisher, of every other virtue: and assuredly, without this habit, a man can neither moderate his desires, nor be brave, nor wise. For, it is a harmony, and peace, of the whole soul; with a full concert of words, and actions: and the dominion of such a habit may be rendered more conspicu

objects never can be attained by abolishing every restriction, on the part of the governors, and extinguishing every right, on the part of the governed.

SUPPOSE it be allowed, that the line is not expressly drawn, is it thence to be concluded, there is no implied line? No English lawyer, we presume, will venture to make the bold assertion. "The "king may reject what bills, may make what "treaties, may coin what money, may create what peers, and may pardon what offences, he pleas

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ous, if we examine the other habits of virtue. For the good of these is private, respecting the individual; but the good of natural justice respects whole systems, and throughout the universe."

In the celestial system of the world, as it marshals out the universal rule of things, which are thus decreed by God ; it is providence, and harmony, and right.. In a civil state, it is justly called peace, and good order. In a domestic state, it is the like mindedness of husband, and wife, towards each other; the good will of subordinate members. In the body, it is health, and symmetry of parts; which are principal things, and much beloved by every living creature. In the soul, it is wisdom; that wisdom which arises amongst men, from the knowledge of causes, and from natural justice.

Since therefore, this habit doth thus instruct, and preserve, the whole and every part; rendering all the same, in heart, and in tongue, why may it not be saluted, by the universal voice; the parent and nourisher of every virtue."

POL. PYTH. LUC. apud STOBEUM, page 105. edit. Tiguri, 1559.

"Of LAW there can be no less acknowledged, than that her seat is the bosom of GOD, her voice the harmony of the world: all things in heaven and earth do her homage, the very least as feeling her care, and the greatest as not exempt from her power."

HOOKER'S, Ecclesiastical Policy, book the first, at the end.

es." But is his prerogative respecting these branches of it, unlimited? By no means. The words following those next above quoted from the "commentaries on the laws of England," are"unless where the constitution hath expressly, or "by evident consequence, laid down some excep“tion or BOUNDARY; declaring, that thus far the "prerogative shall go, and no farther." There are some boundaries" then, besides the " express exceptions ;" and according to the strong expression here used, "the constitution declares "there are." What "evident consequence" forms those boundaries ?"

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THE happiness of the people is the end, and, if the term is allowable, we would call it the body of the constitution. Freedom is the spirit or soul. As the soul, speaking of nature, has a right to prevent or relieve, if it can, any mischief to the body of the individual, and to keep it in the best health; so the soul, speaking of the constitution, has a right to prevent, or relieve, any mischief to the body of the society, and to keep that in the best health. The "evident consequence" mentioned, must mean a tendency to injure this health, that is, to diminish the happiness of the people-or it must mean nothing. If therefore the constitution "DECLARES by

I BLACKSTONE'S COM, 250.

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