αἱμο-χαρής Ρ. αἱματο-χαρής, like sangui-suga p. sanguini-suga.

In the second word adjectives change by the composition the -vs into της : βαθύς, ἰσο-βαθής; βαρύς, γυιο-βαρής; θαρσύς, λυκοθαρσής ; ἡδύς, μελι- ηδής, &c. Cf. Lobeck ad Phryn. p. 534 seq. Thus also φανός, and comp. -φανής, and the substantive eἶδos and the comp. -ειδής, the Latin animus and animis, exanimis.

Compound verbs presuppose nouns : έργο- λαβέω, κρεω-φαγέω . κρεο-φαγέω, μυρο-πωλέω, ὄνειρο-πολέω, οιωνο-σκοπέω, οικοδομέω, ῥαβδο-νομέω, τρωγλο-δυτέω, and many others must be derived from ἐργό-λαβος, κρεω-φάγος, μυρο-πώλης, όνειρο-πόλος, οἰωνο-σκόπος, οἶκοδόμος, ῥαβδο-νόμος, τρωγλο-δύτης, &c. Cf. Buttm. § 106. Lobeck ad Phryn. 560 seqq. shows, that we cannot apply any inference from compound participles to the rest of the verb. In the modern Greek such words as νυκτο-φυλάσσω occur.

The languages derived from the Latin, the Italian, Spanish, and French, have lost the power of forming compounds. It is true they have preserved some Latin compounds; e. g. Ital. artificio, edi-ficio, frutti-fico, multi-plice, mani-festo, magni-loquo, grandi-loquo, nau-fragio, &c.; Span, agri-cultura, ampli-ficar, cuelli-erguido, cuelli-corto, veri-dico, &c.; French, mani-feste, magni-fique, arti-fice, multi-plier; but these compounds are not felt as such, but as simple words: nor can these languages form any new compounds. In the old French we meet with some compounds without the vowel of composition, as fer-armé, ironarmed ; fer-vesti, iron-clothed; pie-poudreux, foot-dusty.

Improper compounds are seldom found in the Latin, as with the gen. legis-lator, trium-vir, duum-vir: the gen. follows generally. In the Greek such compositions with the genitive are more frequent, especially with proper names : διός-κορος ; διός-πολις, ἑλλής ποντος, ἁλος-άχνη, sea-foam, for ἁλὸς ἄχνη; ὕδατος-ύδνη; κυνόςβατος, κυνός-ουρα, ἀνδρός-αιμον, βύσπορος; μυός-ωτον ; ὀνού-γναθος, name of a promontory in Laconia ; νεώς-οικος; ὑος κύαμος. Some times compounds are formed of analogous names; e. g. λεοντο πό διον ; ὀνό-πορδον ; ὀνό-χηλος ; λυκόπους. The o remains in λυκοςσύρα.

σ

Compounds with dative and ablative are found in Latin in adjectives and part. præs.; as manu-fortis, manu-captus, mente-captus, acu-pictus, acu-pictor, usu-capio. But these instances are very rare in the Greek, however, there are a great number of them; e. g. ἁλί-βατος, ἁλι-δινής, νυκτι-λαμπής, νυκτι-πόρος, πυριφλεγής, δορι-πετής, δορί-τμητος, γαστρί-δουλος, ποδί-κροτος, χειρίσοφος, ἐγχεί βρομος (hasta furens) έγχείμαργος ; ὀρει-βάτος (in monte ambulans) ὀρει-δρόμος (in monte currens); ἐγχεσί-μωρος (hastis pugnans); ἐντεσί-εργος (in armis laborans); ναυσι-βάτης (nauta) νανσί-θυος (navibus celer) ναυσί-κλυτος (navibus clarus) ; όρεσι-βάτης(per montes ambulans) ορεσίτροφος (in montibus altus); τείχεσι-πλήτης; τελεσί-δρομος (ad fines currens). Sometimes the last is dropped :

τελες-φόρος (ad finem perducens); ἐγχες-φόρος (hastifer, ἐγχές-παλος (lanceam vibrans); ἐπές-βολος (rixosus), κερας-φόρος (corniger,) κερας-βόλος ; σακές-παλος (clypeum vibrans); σακες-φόρος.

What is the reason that compounds are only formed with datives of the third declension, and not with datives of the first and second? Might not, in ὁδοιπόρος, ὁδοι-πλανής, πυλοι-γενής, σκοτοιβόρος, the οι arise from the ῳ, and the al from g in γυναι-μανής, so that we need not have recourse to γυναικο-μανής? But this does not apply to κελαινεφής p. κελαινο-νεφής : cf. Lob. p. 647.

In many cases the vowel of composition is used, in order to form a euphonious composition, instead of the dative; e. g. opóκτυπος (in monte sonans), χειρό-κτυπος, σακο-φόρος, κ. τ. λ.

Compounds with the accusative are rarely found: ἑως-φόρος and φως-φόρος seem to be instances of accusatives, since we find also φωτο-φόρος. The Latin anim-adverto comes evidently from animum adverto.

Mere apposition with full flexion of both words takes place in the Latin res-publica, jus-jurandum, usus-fructus, gen. reipublicæ, juris-jurandi. The frequent use of these words was the cause of the apposition.

The Latin words bene-ficium, bene-volus, male-ficium, malesanus, and the Greek ev-epyós, dus-epyns, are compounds of adverbs, as in French bien-fait, mal-fait, bien-vaillant.

The Greek language has compounds of a particular kind, which cannot be found in the Latin or German languages. The idea which stands first occupies, in the usual compounds, the second place. The compounds of this kind are not very numerous, but of a bold cast.

The first word is a verb, generally in the future, rarely in the present. The following are examples of the present: ἀγέ-στρατος, dux, army-leader; ἀκειρε-κόμης hair-cutter; ἀρχέ-κακος auctor mali, ἀρχέλαος princeps, ἀρχέ-πλουτος auctor divitiarum, ἀρχέχορος Ρ. χορηγός ; δακέθυμος; ἑλκε-τρίβων, ἑλκε-χίτων; ἐχέ-θυμος, έχε-νηΐς ; μενέ-λαος populum sustinens ? populum expectans ? μενέμαχος pugnam sustinens, μενέ-χαρμος ; τελέ-αρχος minister, τελένικος perficiens victoriam ; τρεχέ-δειπνος ad epulas currens ; φερέ βοτρυς, φερέ-Ζυγος jugifer, φερέ-κακος ferens malum, φερέ-νικος, φερέοικος domi-porta; φιλ-άδελφος amans fratrem, φιλ-αίμων sanguinarius, φιλ-έλλην, φιλ-έσπερος.

Examples of the future are: ἀγεσί-λαos dux populi, ἀγεσί-χορος dux chori; ἀερσί-νοos animum extollens, ἀερσί-πους pedes cito movens; ἀλφεσί-βοιος boves nanciscens; ἀρχεσί-μολπος cantum ducens; ἑλκεσί-πεπλος, ἑλκεσί -χειρος, ἐνοσίγαιος terram quatiens, ἐνοσί-φυλα λος folia quatiens, ἐνοσι-χθών terram quatiens; ἐρασί-μολπος cantum amans, έρασι πλόκαμος cirrum amans, έρασι - χρήματος avarus ; ἐρυσίθριξ crines pectens, ἐρυσί-πολις urbem servans, ἐρυσί -σκηπτρον, ἐρυσίχθων terram arans, έρυσι-γαῖος; δαμασί-βροτος homines domaus,

δαμασί-φρων domans animum ; δεισιδαίμων deum timens, δεισί-θεος; δεξί-δωρος dona ferens, δεξί-μηλος donans oves ; δηξί-θυμος mordens animum, δηξι-χερής mordens manum; διωξικέλευθος incitans ad iter, διώξ-ιππος agens equos ; Ζευξι-λέως p. λαός subjugans populum, ζεύξ ιππος jugans equos ; κινησί-φυλλος folia movens, κινησί χθων terram movens; κλεψί-γαμος mcchus, κλεψί-νoos furens animum, κλεψι-τό kos clam pariens ; κρατησί-μαχος vincens bello, κρατησί-πους pede fortis, κρατής-ιππος domans equos; λυσί-γαμος solvens conjugium, λυσί-δικος solvens litem, λυσί-ζωνος discinctus, λυσίμαχος solvens pugnam, λυσιμελής solvens membra, λυσι-μέριμνος solvens curas, λυσίπονος solvens labores, λυσί-φρων solvens mentem ; μελησί-μβροτος γ. μελεσί-βροτος qui in cura hominum est; νηξί-πους natans pedibus ; ὀρσί-κτυπος ciens turbas, ορσι-νεφής nubes cogens ; παυσί λυπος sedans dolorem, παυσί-νοσος medens, παυσι-νύσταλος pellens somnum; πεισίμβροτος homines moderans, πεισι-χάλινος freno obediens ; πλήξιππος (ἱππόδαμος) ; πηγεσίμαλλος lanam figens, fr mans, and then firmus lana; ῥυσί-διφρος currum regens, ῥυσί-πολις urbem servans ; σεισί-χθων terram movens, σεισί-φυλλος folia movens; στρεψί-μαλλος lanam crispans, and then crispus ; ταμεσί-χρως secans cutem; ταραξικάρδιος cor quatiens, ταράξειππος; τερψί-βροτος exhilarans homines, τερψί-νοος, τερψί-χορος; τισί-φονος cadem ulciscens ; φαεσίμβροτος hominibus lucens; φιλησί-μολπος amans cantum, φιλησι-στέφανος; φθισί-βροτος hom. perdens, φθισί-φρων mentem perdens ; ὠλεσί-θυμος animam perdens, ὠλεσί-καρπος fructum perdens, ὠλεσί-οικος domum perdens, ωλεσί-τεκνος liberos perdens, κ. τ. λ.

From the second word of these compounds other forms have been introduced, e. g. from ἐνοσίφυλλος, κινησίφυλλος, σεισίφυλλος ; such as φυλλοχύος, φυλλοσινής, φυλλόῤῥους. The latter cannot be considered as proper compounds; for the vowel of composition is wanting, and we observe a verbal flexion, whereas every verbal flexion is excluded from compounds. We cannot account otherwise for compounds of this kind, than that they arise from two words being forced together, like ὀρεσί-τροφος, ναυσί-πορος. Some might appear to be formed from feminines ; e. g. κινησιφόρος, τερψίχορος, from κίνησις and τέρψις : but this is not the case; for λυσί μαχος, ῥυσί-πολις, have, like the future λύσω, ῥύσω, a long v, whilst the feminine λύσις, ῥύσις, θύσις, φύσις, χύσις, have a short one.

The άγε, ἀρχε, in ἀγέ-λαος, ἀρχέλαος, is evidently a form of the imperative præs., and therefore ἀγεσί-λαος, ἀρχεσί-λαος, being parallels to the former, might be antiquated forms of a future imperative. We know the grammars do not exhibit any imperative nor any subjunctive in the future, although this tense does not necessarily reject those moods. According to the analogy of aor. 1. imper. σεῖσον, φιλήσον, the fut. 1. imp. might have been σεῖσι, φιλῆσι. The great antiquity of such an imperative shows itself in the formıs ἄγεσι, ἄρχεσι instead of ἄξι, ἄρξι, although the fut. imp. of these

words standing by themselves is aw, apžw, instead of aylow, apxéow. We find, however, also, Siwi and Kλé in the compounds; but again λιπες-ήνορ p. λειψανδρος, and λιπόδερμος circumcisus, together with λειπόδερμος. The second word of such compounds was originally dependent on the transitive verb; but in time the case was forgotten, and a genitive was formed of the new compound, as in English the Wife of Bath's tale.

Λυσίμαχος arose undoubtedly from λυσι-μάχην ; but the flexion was thrown off, and the termination os was added to the compound. These remarks will suffice to show the difference between Sakéθυμος and θυμοδακής, οι μισοάροτροs and ἀροτρο-μισῶν, λεξί-θης and Onpi-λens. Cf. Lob. p. 628. Sometimes these compounds have after the present and future the vowel of composition; e. g. λetró γαμος, λειπόθυμος, φιλό-τεκνος, φιλό-στροφος, μισό-παις, μισό-ξενος, λειψό-θριξ, σεισοπυγίς, σεισό-φυλλος, p. λειπέ-γαμος, λειψί-θριξ. But these may be considered as exceptions from the general rule. As the language was wavering between ὀρεσί-τροφος and δρό-τροφος, so from σεισί-φυλλος an irregular word σεισό-φυλλος was formed. Sometimes the first word is not a verb, but a noun. union again takes place by means of the vowel of composition; as, κλυτό-καρπος, κλυτό-τοξος, ἱππο-γέρανος, ἱππο-πόταμος. These compounds are against the general rule, for one would expect Togó-kλvτος (arci potens), καρπό-κλυτος, &c.

The

The Latins have some compounds of the same kind; e. g. motacilla, motans, agitans caudam, from cilla, an old word for cauda. Does mulci-ber come from mulce-ferrum? Flexanimus (Varro, Nonius, Catull.) p. flect-animus, seems to be an imitation of πλ€žíOvμos. But flexare may have been used for flectere. The Romanic languages abound in this sort of compounds: Ital. bacia-mano, bacia-pile, bacia-polvere, caccia-lupi, caccia-diavoli, guarda-corpo, guarda-boschi, passa-tempo (pastime), porta-mantello, taglia-borse, tira-boschi, torna-sole (heliotropium), torna-letto. Spanish: besamano, gana-pan, garda-fuego, guarda-joyas, lora-duellos, mira-sol (heliotropium), mata-buey, mata-candelas, monda-dientes, mondaorejas, passa-mano, passa-tiempo, quita-cuidados, quita-pesares, saca-mano, saca-mancha, saca-muelas, saca-peloras, tira-sol. French baise-main, brise-fer, casse-cou, casse-noix, casse-tête, chante-pleure, chasse-chien, chasse-cousin (sour wine, which drives. a friend out of the house), chasse-ennui, chasse-loup, chasse-mouches, chasse-rage,chauffe-chemise, chauffe-lit, chauffe-pied, chausse-pied, coupe-gorge, coupe-tête, cure-dent, cure-oreille, cure-pied, gagnedenier, gagne-pain, garde-bon, garde-corps, garde-chasse, gardefeu, garde-manger, hoche-queue (motacilla), perce-muraille, portechaise, porte-voix, tire-bouchon, tourne-broche (turn-spit), &c. These examples show that the second word is an accusative, and this accusative is sometimes even of the plural number. The Greek language proceeds more boldly, by suppressing the flexion,

and by adding to the second word new terminations, which are again used for every gender ; e. g. παρθένοι ἀλφεσί-βοιαι. The English language has also compounds of this kind; as, break-fast, break-neck, break-stone (saxi-fraga), hang-dog, kill-cow, kill-buck, Shake-spear (éyxéorados or oeloeyxos), smell-smock, toss-pot, whip-hand, wry-neck, fare-well, hold-fast, look-out, run-away. But the Anglo-Saxon has no such compounds.

Those who cannot bring themselves to consider the first word of ayé-λaos as an imperative, will find that other languages have such compounds with an imperative: forget me not, rendez-vous. We know that ἄγεσι, φέρεσι in ἀγεσί-λαὸς might be derived from the 3. p. sing. pres. ind., but the verbs in μ do not form their compounds in this manner.

OBSERVATIONS

On the Power of the " Ictus Metricus" in Virgilian Hexameters; embracing some Remarks on Position, Elision, &c. By HENRY W. WILLIAMS, author of " A Critical Investigation of the Versification and Prosodial Usages of the Iliad and Odyssey," &c.

THE expression "Ictus Metricus," or "metrical accent," is used by critics to designate that stress of the voice, comprising both loudness and acuteness, which is laid on particular syllables in the recitation of every verse. Its position is regulated by the nature of the metre, as being Iambic, Trochaic, Anapæstic, Dactylic, &c.; and it is thus that it differs from the prosaic or common accent, which is placed, in prose, on every word, according to its own peculiar character, and not according to its connexion in the sentence. The stress of the voice constituting accent naturally communicates to the syllable on which it rests a particular and characteristic importance; and associated with this stress of the voice is a slight increase of length of utterance, since the accent when resting on a vowel contributes to protract its sound, and when resting on a consonant causes it to reverberate in a greater or less degree. Hence it follows that accent, though in its own nature perfectly distinct from quantity, has a necessary connexion with the length of syllables; and thus, if a syllable be accented, which of itself approximates nearly to a long one, it acquires, in consequence of its reception of the