fhort of abfolute certainty. An actual enumeration of the people, under the authority of, and according to, the judicious regulations prefcribed by an Act of Parliament, feems to be going, as far as human wifdom can go, towards removing all doubt and uncertainty. Yet it may be doubted, whether even an actual enumeration, fubject as it must be to various great and infuperable difadvantages, when made, will be more certain, and more to be depended on, than the ingenious deductions contained in the fmall pamphlet now under our confideration. Nor have we any hefitation to declare, that we regard this manly refolution of this refpectable Baronet, to venture his calculations abroad, when there is a certainty of their being fo foon confronted with what most men will deem pofitive proof and irresistible demonftration, as not only a liberal avowal of his juft confidence in the truth of his calculations, but as one of the faireft appeals to the candour of the public that can be made. Sir Frederick founds his calculations on authentic lifts of baptifms, burials, affeffed houfes, marriages, and population, of a variety of different places, under various circumftances, in various districts of the kingdom; together with another lift of houses inhabited, houses uninhabited, and houses exempted from duty, obtained from the TaxOffice. These are exhibited in several tables, which furnish the following refults: 1. That the baptifms are to the burials, as . . . 10 to 6. That the affeffed houfes are to the marriages, 81 43 3 to i neatly I to 274 1 to 14₤ 78 to 10 I to 139 That the marriages are to the population, as From these data, which are, in most cases, the result of actual enumeration, he calculates, in a manner which to us feems to be incontrovertible, that the number of inhabitants in England and Wales, is 10,710,000; in Scotland, at least 1,500,000; in Ireland, 3,800,000; maritime and military population, exclufive of Indian and foreign corps, 500,000; fo that the total population of the British Ifles, is 16,510,000. Amid the many dark clouds that have fo long obfcured our horizon, we cordially rejoice with the author, that, " among all the 'diftreffes of the times, we have not to deplore a declining population." Sir F. E. reprobates as unwarrantable, if not mifchievous, the lamentations of thofe political economists, who imagine, "that great ities are inimical to the multiplication of the fpecies; that a devouring metropolis drains the country of its inhabitants; that the confolidation of fmall farms leffens the number of cultivators; and that, In thefe inftances we have taken the liberty of correcting, what appear from the context, to have been errors of the tranfcriber or printer. Rev. though though trade and manufactures may flourish, the hardy ftock of yea men and induftrious peafants decays. "Deferted villags in Great Britain," he fays, " are now only to be found in the fictions of poetry. The refult of these enquiries, I am perfuaded, will prove (as far as indirect evidence can prove) that our agricultural parishes are better ftocked than they were 100 years ago, when induftry had not purged the country of its fuperfluous mouths, and the vifionary evils afcribed to the existence of commercial and agricultural capitalifts did not exift," The caufes of fo rapid an increase in our population within the last century, are affigned in pp. 82 and 83; and, fpeaking of Scotland, in p. 85, it is well obferved, that, "at length, full employment has been found for her people, even in diftricts the most inaufpicious to induftry; on her western coaft, eternally buffeted by the Atlantic, thriving villages, and nurferies for feamen, have been established in places which, before the prefent reign, were "antres vaft and deserts idle.” There the tillage of the fea offers crops more abundant (and in the prefent period no lefs important) than the produce of the earth. Britons have at length discovered, that colonies may be planted on the fhores and waftes of their own country. They are now generally convinced, that there is no "happier island in the watry watte," than their own; and that in no part of the world have they a fairer chance of bettering their fortunes, than in the cultivated plains and busy cities of Great Britain; they know that they might feek in vain For feats, like these, beyond the western main." Davenant, about the clofe of the last century, had faid, that when we fhould have attained the complement of 11,000,000 men, we fhould be in a state of power to deal with any ftrength in Europe. "That we have now attained this " complement of men," fays this ufeful and valuable writer, "cannot admit of much doubt; that we are" in a state of power to deal with any ftrength in Europe," has been proved by our exertions in the prefent awful conteft: and I truft we fhall long continue, what we now are, "A land that distant tyrants hate in vain.” ART. 38. Letters from Paris to the Citizens of the United States of America, on the Syftem of Policy hitherto pursued by their Government, relative to their Commercial Intercourse with England and France. &c. By Joel Barlow. 8vo. 116 pp. 35. 6d. Ridgway. 1800. The name of Joel Barlow, once of fome little celebrity in the lift of the enemies of order, here returns upon us rather unexpectedly, after a long interval. We fhall not refufe to it fuch attention as it may deserve. The chief object of the first of thefe Letters is, to recommend to the American States the maintenance of their fyftem of neutrality, and the prefervation of a free trade, by a new mode of reprifal on all European nations who fhall moleft it. Mr. Joel pro pofes "a folemn declaration and definition of the rights of neutrality, and a notification" (on the part of the American States)" of their intention, intention, that all property taken unjustly from their citizens, by any power at war, fhould be compenfated by fo much property of the fubjects of that power found within their jurifdiction, whether in the public funds, or in the hands of private debtors." He endeavours to anfwer the obvious objections to fuch a measure, by denying, in the first place, that it will prevent the American merchants from obtaining fufficient credit abroad; and, fecondly, (as to the objection that it would be difhonourable) that it is not more difhonourable than the ufual mode of fitting out armed veffels, and making reprifals on the property of the nation that has committed the violence." It cannot be expected, that we should enter into much difcuffion of such a propofal, from fuch a fource. The American government appears to have thought differently from Mr. Joel Barlow; and, as to the first point, it may reasonably be queftioned whether, notwithstanding the alledged readiness of British manufacturers (for nothing is faid as to thofe of any other country) to give credit to American merchants, fuch a declaration would not produce a change in their inclinations and practice. As to the point of honour, or (as Mr. B. objects to that term) good faith, we think it clear, that the credit given by the fubjects of one state to those of another, refts on the fecurity which the laws give to foreign creditors. At all events, it is highly unjuft, that any creditor fhould be affected by the confequences of a fuch a declaration, excepting those who have given credit after the declaration took place. 66 Mr. B. in this, and his fecond, Letter to his countrymen, goes into a variety of other topics, principally relating to American politics and finance, In this part we meet, of course, with all the hacknied Jacobinical opinions, and the dreams, of modern fepublican philofophers. That a citizen of America hould be a republican in principle, cannot be matter of furprise or blame; but that a fincere Republican fhould imagine (or fhould have imagined, in the year 1799) that the French Revolution, and others which it has occafioned, are likely to terminate in favour of general liberty, or that it is owing to the prolongation of revolutionary meafures, neceffitated by the state of Europe," that France has not reduced her theory of liberty to practice, would be fcarcely credible, if we did not know how many perfons in France (and we fear in America) fancy themfelves Republicans, when they are, in reality, fupporters of the worst kind of arbitrary power. The Letter to General Washington, on his nomination to the com mand of the American army, attempts to persuade him, and through him his countrymen, that the French Directory were "fincerely defirous of reftoring harmony between that country and the United States, on terms advantageous to both parties." The reasons for this opinion fhow, indeeed, that the five Gallic tyrants thought they had, in this attempt to bully and fleece the Americans, gone a little too far, and that they were then attempting to cajole them; but much Atronger proofs (if indeed any proofs could countervail their infamous treatment of the American envoys) were neceffary to show that fuch men had at length become converts to juftice and moderation. After praifing the care of a London publisher, to prefent these vauable Letters to his countrymen, we fhall only add, on the general to pics pies of Mr. B.'s Letters, that we with, as heartily as he can, tỏ fee a fyltem of univerfal peace and freedom of commerce established in the world. But we are far from thinking that fuch improvements can be effected by the means he recomm nds, combined as they are with the Jacobin fyftem of univerfal revolution. ART. 39. Further Thoughts on the prefent State of public Opinions Being a Continuation of a timely Appeal to the common Senfe of the People of Great Britain in General, and of the Inhabitants of Bucking. bamfhire in particular, on the prefent Situation of Affairs. By J. Fenn, Efq. 8vo. 185 pp. 45. Hatchard. 1800. We always with to fpeak favourably of works manifeftly written with the beft intentions, and directed to the public good; and we think the country highly obliged to gentlemen of cultivated talents, and independent fortunes, who employ their leifure in obviating the cenfures of modern innovators on our civil or religious polity. This, however, forms but a fmall part of the treatife before us; though it seems to be the principal and ultimate object of the refpectable author. For be fets out, and concludes with condemning the spirit of cenfure, pres valent in the writings of Voltaire and others; and the intermediate parts of the tract (which confift chiefly of a defence of Mr. Burke's opinions of the fublime and beautiful) are meant, if we rightly com prehend them, to apply in juftification of the conclusion. In this application, and indeed in the work in general, we think the author too refined, and frequently obfcure. Though we perceive the general object of his reafonings, we do not always feel the force of them, Thofe remarks, however, which apply more immediately to fubjects of talte, are often ingenious, and, to literary men, may be amafing. But Mr. P. must be more perfpicuous and lefs prolix, before he can expect to excite general attention and interest. SCARCITY. ART. 40. Strictures on the true Caufe of the prefent alarming Scarcity of Grain, and other Provifions; and a Plan for permanent Relief: humbly fubmitted to public Confideration, By Alexander Annesley. Wub an Hiftorical Deduction of the Prices of Provifions; interfperfed with various Matters connected with the Commerce and Navigation of Great Britain. Together with a Chronological Account of the feveral Statutes, Proclamations, and Parliamentary Regulations, for controuling the Markets, and preventing Monopoly, Engr fing, Sc. &c. From the Norman Conqueft to the prefent ra. Dedicated to the Right Hon. William Piti, Chancellor of the Exchequer. 8vo. 79 PP. 25. Murray and Highley. 1800. A few words in the Dedication of this tract prepared us to expecta confiderable degree of prejudice in the writer. "Famine, in the midit of plenty! Scarcity, at a time of unequalled exuberance! And factious dearth, in fpite of Juperior fecundity now threaten us with all all their concomitant horrors!" P. vii. Two or three quotations will exhibit the author's fentiments on the fubjects propofed in the tidepage, and will probably meet with concurrence from very few readers. I fhall, without, further circumlocution, proceed to ftate my plan for the permanent relief; one part of which is, to pay a bounty of five fhillings per quarter upon the first two millions of quarters of new wheat that the farmers fhall bring to, and bona fide dispose of, in open market, in their refpective vicinity. And no grain or other fpecies of provifion fhould, on any account, be permitted to be fold, or any contract whatever relating to grain, or other fpecies of provifions, be deemed valid, but fuch as are made with the utmoft publicity in the open market. And to prevent monopoly, it would be advifeable to fubject all grain (if not other provifions) to the operation of the excife laws!" P. 23. "It would be feen in a fhort space of time, whether the dearth is real or fictitious. And if it thould happen that wheat, by the adoption of this meafute (of which there cannot remain a doubt) fhould be reduced to 60s, per quarter, in that cafe I should humbly fubmit that government fhould become purchafers of at least two mil lion of quarters of wheat, to be stored in public granaries or magazines, agreeably to the practice and cuftom of many European fiates, in order to meet future exigencies." P. 24. The firft effect of fuch a measure would probably be, the converfion of half the arable land in the kingdom into pafture. "The expence of management of the public granaries or magazines of corn, muft, for a time, be fupported by government; but the neighbouring magiftrates, agreeably to the practice of other European ftates, fhould have the controul of the bufinefs; that is to fay, the whole arrangement fhould be made under the direction of five juftices of the peace of the vicinity, three of whom to form a quorum, in order to give a legal fanction to their meafures. Thefe magiftrates, aided by certain commiffioners, to be nominated for that purpose from among the neighbouring independent freeholders, fhould be impowered, affiited by the corn-infpectors, to make the purchafes." P. 27. Mr. A. feems to be unapprized, that in most districts of the kingdom, there is at least as great a scarcity of refident acting magiftrates, as of grain; and that the cares already imposed, and continually accumulating upon them, are not likely to make them more plentiful. "İf government were, either in conjunction with the proprietors, or by purchafing fuch waftes in fee (where it might be practicable) to take them in their own hands, and apportion out the waftes in moderatefized farms, it would become a resource to the nation of inestimable value." P. 34. Extravagant as thefe fchemes may appear, the book contains much hiftorical information, and many acute obfervations; and is evidentlywritten with a strong defire to promote the public good. |