talents; and no doubt there are many of her sons now in obscurity and retirement, who, if called to public exertion, would do equal credit to their country. Men of high merit are, however, inspired with sentiments of independence ill suited to the present system of parliamentary influence* in Ireland; while the pliant dependant, in whom self-will is extinct, and whose accommodating sentiments can be moulded into any form, according to the inclination of his patron, is certain of success. Let me, as a pattern to such patrons, earnestly recommend the conduct of the late Lord Charlemont, as related by Mr. Hardy, in his life of that nobleman, recently published. His lordship, whose name will be long remembered and revered, considered his borough interest as a sacred trust, held for the benefit of his country; and instead of bartering away that trust, his choice fell upon the

In England, the admirers of virtue must never forget that it was under the present system of representation, that the University of Oxford refused to elect Sir William Jones, the town of Bedford the immortal Howard, and that the bigotry of Liverpool attacked and refused Mr. Roscoe. After these instances, it excites no surprise that Jeremy Bentham, Arthur Young, &c. have never found their way to the House of Commons.-Whatever others may be disposed to assert, I maintain, that these instances, out of many, are sufficient to prove that, under the present system, some of the very best and most enlightened of our countrymen are omitted in the list of British legislators.

+ I here allude to his lordship's conduct respecting the borough of Charleville, which, through his influence, returned as one of its members, Mr. Richard Sheridan, a cousin-german of Brinsley Sheridan, who has distinguished himself so much by the powers of his genius and his talents as a public speaker. The former was bred to the bar, though without a regular education, and possessed, in no slight degree, the talents of his family. He died a few years after his election, leaving behind him an excellent character, and regretted by all those who had the pleasure of his acquaintance, but by none more sincerely than his noble friend and patron Lord Charleville. The following extract from his lordship's letter to him, dated April 10, 1790, deserves to be recorded: "Some characters, as well as some countenances, possess the peculiar privilege of making an immediate and favourable impression. My acquaintance with you has been of short duration; and yet that short acquaintance has been effectual to point you out as the fittest person to execute a trust, which is, in my opinion, the most important that one man can receive from another. Whenever it may be possible, that the representation of this kingdom shall be purified and advantageously altered from its present absurd and unconstitutional course, I shall, with exultation, resign that which some men esteem their property, but will, in the meanwhile, endeavour to manage that trust which I hold for my country, as far as I am able, to her advantage; neither do I think that I can better perform this, according to my ideas, indispensable duty, than by offering you a seat for the borough of Charlemont, your acceptance of which will be an obligation to me." Hardy's Life of Lord Charlemont, p. 862.

When Mr. Sheridan died, a Mr. Jephson was chosen to succeed him; and on this occasion Lord Charlemont, in a letter dated January 23d, 1794, says: "The borough of Charlemont elects Richard Jephson, a young man of excellent talents, and, as far as my strictest investigation can fathom, of sound principles. How far an untried man may succeed, is a matter of mere hazard; but the peculiar cast of his abilities, joined to much diligence, and great ardour, gives him, I think, an excellent chance. It is, besides, my opinion, that, almost the only good effect which can be derived from the present absurd system of borough representation, is, the possibility of bringing forward young men, who may become useful to their country; but who, without this resource, would probably be condemned to waste their sweetness in the desert' air.' Ibid. p. 363. VOL. II. 2 T

*

most upright and able persons; and, in some cases, upon gentlemen with whom he appears to have hardly had a personal acquaintance. Such instances, however, are rare in Ireland: the flame of patriotism burns there but with a feeble light; and the spirit of interest prevails so much, and so deadens every generous feeling, that the eloquence of the most captivating popular speaker, were it exerted among Irish freeholders, would be heard without emotion, and without being able to procure a single vote. Were education, as well as property, made a test of qualification, would it not be an improvement of the system? The same regulation might be extended to the candidate, with the happiest effects.

CHAPTER XXI.

GOVERNMENT.

THE first establishment of the office of Viceroy of Ireland, is to be found in the reign of Henry II. It appears that this prince, when he introduced the English laws, made a division of the districts, subject to him, into shires or counties, which, when the English settlements became extended, was afterwards improved and enlarged, as the circumstances of the country required; sheriffs were also appointed, for the counties and cities; and itinerant judges, with other officers and ministers of justice, established, according to the English system of government and law. As a chief governor, or representative of the king, was also necessary for the exercise of the royal functions, this was provided by what is called the statute of Henry Fitz-Empress; which enacts, that in case of the death of any chief governor, the chancellor, treasurer, chief justices, and chief baron, keeper of the rolls, and king's sergeant at law, should be empowered, with consent of the nobles of the land, to elect a successor, who was to exercise the full power and authority of this office, until the royal pleasure should be further known.

It appears that provision to the like purpose was made in the reign of Henry VIII., by an express act of parliament, which states, "that upon the avoidance of the king's lieutenant of Ireland, by death, surrender, &c., the chancellor of the king's writ shall assemble the privy council, and choose, by a majority of voices, an Englishman, being no spiritual person, to be governor; and if none such be found, to choose two

* The family of Charlemont must ever feel indebted to Mr. Hardy for the manner in which he has laid before the public, the many excellent traits in the character of the late Earl.

+ Stat. an. 2. Rich. III.

Leland, vol. i. p. 83. Lord Littleton's Hist. of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 310.

out of the council: the chancellor thereupon to make out letters patent to enjoy the same till the king appoint one*: all other methods, except by the king's patent, to be void.

The lord-lieutenant general of Ireland possesses not that state influence which seems to belong to his office; nor is he to be considered so much a political character, as an officer sent thither by His Majesty's ministers to keep the people in good temper. His great object, therefore, is, the tranquillizing of the country; its improvement is a secondary consideration: to conciliate is of more moment to him than to amend; and to become popular, than to be useful.+!

His income, by an act of the last sessions of parliament, is £30,000. per annum ; but it is difficult to discover the practical good of the appointment. There is no viceroy in Scotland, yet the affairs of that country are conducted with as much order and regularity as England. The establishment of a lord-lieutenant in Ireland allies its administration very closely to that of a colonial government. He corresponds with the secretary of state for the home department, by whose directions he is supposed to regulate his conduct; but being compelled, from the nature of his station, to maintain the outward shew and parade of a court, he has not leisure to attend to the details of public business, which are intrusted to a secretary, exclusively appointed for this part of the empire. It appears to me, that a resident minister, really discharging all the duties of his office, might accomplish every thing requisite, without entailing on the country the burden of an expensive establishment, or spreading the contagious example of the follies of a mimic court.

* 33 Hen. VIII. sess. ii. cap. 3. See the Statute Law of Ireland, by Edward Lee, Esq. Barrister at Law, Dublin, 1734, 4to. p. 107.

+ It does not, however, appear, though ministers, perhaps, made the best choice they could, that they have always been so successful as to accomplish this end. The author of a pamphlet, written in 1772, says: "Without going further back than our memory will serve us, we shall find such diversity in the characters of our several chief governors, and variety in the measures of their administration, as strongly to incline us to suppose that they would not all have failed, as they did, in giving content to the people, were it in the power of any chief governor to give it. We execrate the subtle Lord Carteret, for aiming to deprive us of the advantages of biennial sessions of parliament; and we are not better pleased with the undesigning Lord Townsend, who has secured and improved that privilege by septennial election: we accuse Lord Chesterfield of sapping the foundation of the Irish interest in parliament; and we censure Lord Harrington for putting himself in the hands of the aristocracy, and consenting to their violent and arbitrary attempts upon the freedom of our elections. The Duke of Dorset is never to be forgiven, for opening a new channel of circulation for the King's favours; and it seems to be the great grievance of the present hour (1772), that the hands through which they then passed are no longer employed in distributing them. The Duke of Devonshire is blamed for effecting an union of the contending parties; and that he governed by a faction is one of the crimes of the Duke of Bedford; and whilst the unaccommodating pride of the latter nobleman is recollected, the facility and politeness of Lord Halifax is branded with the epithets of falsehood and insincerity. In short, splendour and magnificence is useless profusion in Lord Northumberland ; and attention to domestic economy, miserable parsimony in Lord Hertford." Considerations on the State of Ireland, Dublin, 1778, p. 2—5.

I am aware that it is the opinion of some writers on political economy, that the establishment of a court has a salutary influence upon the people, and tends to soften and refine their manners. "A porter," says Bielfield, "at the Hague, is more polite than a porter at Amsterdam: the occupation, at both places, is the same, but the one is the seat of a court, and the other the residence of merchants."* I am ready to admit that there may be some truth in this remark; but still it might be worthy of examination, whether the politeness acquired in this manner is sufficient to counterbalance the dissipation and taste for extravagance, which are diffused at the same time. Besides, many gentlemen of fortune, attracted by this imitation of a court, are induced to spend more of their time in its vicinity than they otherwise would; and to neglect the improvement of the country, where a residence among their tenants might be attended with the best effects. That the manners of the people, in many parts of Ireland, stand in need of such assistance, must be admitted; but a court in a distant corner can produce little effect, except on those immediately around it ; and it is, perhaps, too great a sacrifice, to seek urbanity of manners at the expense of qualities which conduce more to the real happiness of society. There is a greater degree of what is commonly called politeness among the lower classes in London, than is in general to be found among people of the same rank in Scotland, or in some of the inland counties of England; but it is to be remembered, that there is also more vice, and those who are in the least acquainted with the world, know how to appreciate the difference between a polished profligate and an awkward but virtuous rustic.

As the government is conducted, the lord-lieutenant must be considered as its head; next the secretary, who is a member of parliament, and on whom the chief burden of the business ought to fall; that this, however, is not always the case, admits of easy proof; yet much depends in this case on the terms on which he accepted the office. In some instances, the patronage and official duties of the Irish government, remain entirely in his hands; in others, the lord-lieutenant shares with him in both; it might be better, perhaps, if the responsibility rested with that

office alone.

Ireland has a local privy council, in which the lord-lieutenant, as the representative of majesty, presides.

The secretary's office is divided into two departments, military and civil, over each of which an under secretary is placed'; and, as the chief burden falls upon them, great assiduity is required. The secretary has an office in London, with which the offices in Dublin correspond.

The treasury is distinct from that of England, and is under the direction of a

* Institutions Politiques, tom. i. p. 79.

complete board, the members of which hold almost sinecure places. Among the number is the chancellor of the exchequer, whose duty it is to propose new articles of taxation, and to raise those loans which enable Ireland to contribute her share towards the general expenditure of the empire. The collection of the taxes is intrusted to two boards, the excise and the customs; and as these are independent of that minister, the Irish treasury might be incorporated with the British; this may, probably, be the case when the two countries, in consequence of an united legislative body, draw more closely the bonds of friendly intercourse.

The chancellor sustains a political character; at least so it was stated by His Majesty's ministers, at the time of the unfortunate rebellion, under Lord Hardwicke. In the section upon the administration of law, I have ventured a few observations on the inconvenience which must result from a combination of two characters, legal and political, in one individual, and more especially as this individual holds an office of so delicate and important a nature. His nominating justices of

the

peace is the only ministerial duty with which, perhaps, he ought to be intrusted. His judicial functions are totally inconsistent with political occupations; and, if properly discharged, will employ his whole time and attention. Much of the time of a chancery judge must be taken up in reading, and in the study of intricate cases. Whatever assistance he may derive from masters*, there are many points of which it is necessary he should acquire a just conception, without trusting to the opinions or reports of others. His judgment must be unbiassed; his brain unoccupied by extraneous subjects; his temper cool, and his passions unruffled. But politics, of all pursuits, is that most likely, from crosses, disappointments, and bickerings, to unhinge the mind, and destroy that tranquillity which sharpens perception, and invigorates the reasoning powers of man.

The commander-in-chief of the forces, and the whole of his department, are independent of the government in Ireland, and correspond with the commander-in chief in England. The lord-lieutenant, therefore, the chancellor of the exchequer, the secretary for the home department, the commander-in-chief, + are all independent appointments; and yet, I believe, there is very little danger of their often disagreeing. I have witnessed many practical instances of mischief arising from the want of that immediate communication, which would take place if all these parts of the political machine were placed under one efficient head. I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion, that the whole of this separate colonial government should be gradually incorporated with ours; and that the only part which should be left distinct is the

Masters in Chancery.

This is exemplified in the recent instance of the Earl of Harrington, Commander-in-Chief, countenancing the Catholic meetings; whilst the Duke of Richmond, Lord-Lieutenant, and the Right Hon. W. Wellesly Pole, Secretary, endeavoured to suppress them.