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cause ; men who helped to subvert that throne try, communicated

to it the force and energ to which they owed, some of them, their exis- under which it suffered. I do not say (God tence, others all that power which they em- forbid) I do not say, that the virtues of such ployed to ruin their benefactor. If any bounds men were to be taken as a balance to their are set to the rapacious demands of that sort crimes; but they were some corrective to of people, or that others are permitted to par- their effects. Such was, as I said, our Crom take in the objects they would engross, revenge well. Such were your whole race of Guises and envy soon fill up the craving void that is Condés, and Colignis. Such the Richelieus, left in their avarice. Confounded by the com- who in more quiet times acted in the spirit of plication of distempered passions, their reason a civil war. Such, as better men, and in a is disturbed; their views become vast and less dubious cause, were your Henry the perplexed; to others inexplicable; to them- Fourth and your Sully, though nursed in civil selves uncertain. They find, on all sides, confusions, and not wholly without some of bounds to their unprincipled ambition in any their taint. It is a thing to be wondered at, to fixed order of things. But in the fog and haze seo how very soon France, when she had a of confusion all is enlarged, and appears with- moment to respire, recovered and emerged out any limit.

from the longest and most dreadful civil war When men of rank sacrifice all ideas of dig. that ever was known in any nation. Why? nity to an ambition without a distinct object, Because, among all their massacres, they had and work with low instruments and for low not slain the mind in their country. A conends, the whole composition becomes low and scious dignity, a noble pride, a generous sense base. Does not something like this now ap- of glory and emulation, was not extinguished. pear in France? Does it not produce some. On the contrary, it was kindled and inflamed. thing ignoble and inglorious ? a kind of mean- The organs also of the state, however shatness in all the prevalent policy ? a tendency in tered, existed. All the prizes of honour and all that is done to lower along with individuals virtue, all the rewards, all the distinctions, all the dignity and importance of the state ? remained. But your present confusion, like a Other revolutions have been conducted by palsy, has attacked the fountain of life itself. persons, who whilst they attempted or affected Every person in your country, in a situation changes in the commonwealth, sanctified their to he actuated by a principle of honour, is disambition by advancing the dignity of the peo- graced and degraded, and can entertain no ple whose peace they troubled. They had sensation of life, except in a mortified and long views. They aimed at the rule, not at humiliated indignation. But this generation the destruction of their country. They were will quickly pass away. The next generation men of great civil, and grcat military talents, of the nobility will resemble the artificers and and if the terrour, the ornament of their age. clowns, and money-jobless, lisurers, and Jews, They were not like Jew brokers contending who will be always the ir slows, somelines with each other who could best remedy with their masters. Believe 1::, Sir, those who fraudulent circulation and depreciated paper attempt to level, never erca..?". In all societhe wretchedness and ruin brought on their ties, consisting of varioni di scriptions of citicountry by their degenerate councils. The com- zens, soine descripzio nust be uppermost. pliment made to one of the great tad men of the The levellers therefore cly change and perold stamp (Cromwell) by his kinsman, a favou- vert the natural order of things; they load the rite poet of that time, shews what it was he edifice of society, by setting up in the air proposed, and what indeed to a great degree he what the solidity of the structure requires to accomplished in the success of his ambition : be on the ground. The amociations of tailors

and carpenters, of which the republic (of Paris, “ Still as you rise, the state exalted ton, for instance) is composed, cannot be equal to " Finds no distemper whilst’ris chang'd by you ; " Chang'd like the world's great scene, when

the situation, into which, by the worst of usurwithout noise

pations, an usurpation on the prerogatives of “The rising sun night's vulgar lights destroys.” nature, you attempt to force them.

The chancellor of France at the opening of These disturbers were not so much like men the states, said, in a tone of oratorical Nourish, nsurping power, as asserting their natural place that all occupations were honourable. If he in society. Their rising was to illuminate and meant only, that no honest employment was beautify the world. Their conquest over their disgraceful, he would not have gone beyond competitors was by outshining them. The hand the truth. But in asserting, that any thing is that, like a destroying angel, smote the coun- honourable, we imply some distinction in its tavour. The occupation of a hair-dresser, or ting in the spirit of sortition or rotation, can be of a working tallow-chandler, cannot be a mat- generally good in a government conversant in ter of honour to any person—to say nothing of extensive objects. Because they have no tena number of other more servile employments. dency, direct or indirect, to select the man Such descriptions of men ought not to suffer with a view to the duty, or to accommodate oppression from the state ; but the state suffers the one to the other. I do not hesitate to say, oppression, if such as they, either individually that the road to eminence and power, from or collectively, are permitted to rule. In this obscure condition, ought not to be made too vou think you are combating prejudice, but easy, nor a thing too much of course. If rare you are at war with nature.*

merit be the rarest of all rare things, it ought I do not, my dear Sir, conceive you to be to pass through some sort of probation. The of that sophistical captious spirit, or of that temple of honour ought to be seated on an uncandid dulness, as to require, for every gene

eminence. If it be opened through virtue, let -al observation or sentiment, an explicit detail it be remembered too, that virtue is never tried of the correctives and exceptions, which reason but by some difficulty and some struggle. will presume to be included in all the general Nothing is a due and adequate representa propositions which come from reasonable men. tion of a state, that does not represent its abiYou do not imagine, that I wish to confine lity, as well as its property. But as ability is power, authority, and distinction to blood, and a vigorous and active principle, and as pronames, and titles. No, Sir. There is no perty is sluggish, inert and timid, it never can qualification for government but virtue and be safe from the invasions of ability, unless it wisdom, actual or presumptive. Wherever be, out of all proportion, predominant in the they are actually found, they have, in what representation. It must be represented too in ever state, condition, profession or trade, the great masses of accumulation, or it is not passport of Heaven to human place and honour. rightly protected. The characteristic essence Woe to the country which would madly and of property, formed out of the combined prinimpiously reject the service of the talents and ciples of its acquisition and conservation, is virtues, civil, military, or religious, that are to be unequal. The great masses therefore given to grace and to serve it; and would con- which excite envy, and tempt rapacity, must demn to obscurity every thing formed to diffuse be put out of the possibility of danger. Then lustre and glory around a state. Woe to that they form a natural rampart about the lesser country too, that passing into the opposite properties in all their gradations. The same extreme, considers a low education, a mean quantity of property, which is by the natural contracted view of things, a sordid, mercenary course of things civided among many, has not occupation, as a preferable title to command. the same operation. Its defensive power is Every thing ought to be open; but not indif- weakened as it is diffused. In this diffusion serently to every man. No rotation ; no ap- each man's portion is less than what, in the pointment by lot; no modo of election opera- eagerness of his desires, he may flatter him

self to obtain by dissipating the accumulations

of others. The plunder of the few would in * Ecclesiasticus, chap. xxxviii. verse 24, 25. 16 The wisdom of a learned man cometh by

deed give but a share inconceivably small in opportunity of leisure : and he that ha:h lile the distribution to the many. But the many business shall become wise."-" How can be are not capable of ma this calculation; get wisdom that holdeth the plough, and that and those who lead them to rapine, never inglorieth in the goad; that driveth oxen; and is

tend this distribution. occupied in their labours; and whose talk is of bullocks?»

The power of perpetuating our property in Ver. 27. “So every carpenter and work. our families is one of the most valuable and master that laboureth night and day," &c.

interesting circumstances belonging to it, and Ver. 33. “They shall not be sought for in public counsel, nor sit high in the congregation :

that which tends the most to the perpetuation they shall not sit on the judges' seat, nor unders of society itself. It makes our weakness sub stand the sentence of judgment: they cannot servient to our virtue ; it grafts benevolence declare justice and judgment, and they shall not be found where parables are spoken."

even upon avarice. The possessors of family Ver. 34. “But they will maintain the state

wealth, and of the distinction which attends of the world.

hereditary possession (as most concerned in I do no: determine whether this book be cano. it) are the natural securities for this transmisnical, as the Gallican church (till lately) has

sion. With us, the house of peers is formed considered it, or apocrypha, as here it is taken. I am sure it contains a great deal of sense, and

upon this principle. It is wholly composed of truth.

hereditary property and hereditary distinction


and made therefore the third of the legislature ; soil, to be sent to swell the insolence, cr pamand in the last event, the sole judge of all pro per the luxury, of the mechanics of Paris. In perty in all its subdivisions. The house of this they will see none of the equality, under the commons too, though not necessarily, yet in pretence of which they have been tempted to fact, is always so composed in the far greater throw off their allegiance to their sovereign, as part. Let those large proprietors be what well as the ancient constitution of their counthey will, and they have their chance of being try. There can be no capital city in such a among the best, they are at the very worst, constitution as they have lately made. They the ballast in the vessel of the commonwealth. have forgot, that when they framed democratic For though hereditary wealth, and the rank governments, they had virtually dismembered which goes with it, are too much idolized by their country. The person whom they perses creeping sycophants, and the blind abject ad- vere in calling king, has not power left to him mirers of power, they are too rashly slighted by the hundredth part sufficient to hold together in shallow speculations of the petulant, assu- this collection of republics. The republic of ming, short-sighted coxcombs of philosophy. Paris will endeavour indeed to complete the Some decent regulated pre-eminence, some debauchery of the army, and illegally to perpreference (not exclusive appropriation) given petuate the assembly, without resort to its conto birth, is neither unnatural, nor unjust, nor stituents, as the means of continuing its despo impolitic.

tism. It will make efforts, by becoming the It is said, that twenty-four millions ought to heart of a boundless paper circulation, to draw prevail over two hundred thousand. True; if every thing to itself; but in vain. All this the constitution of a kingdom be a problem of policy in the end will appear as feeble as it arithmetic. This sort of discourse does well is now violent. enough with the lamp-post for its second: to If this be your actual situation, compared to men who may reason calmly, it is ridiculous. the situation to which you were called, as it The will of the many, and their interest, must were by the voice of God and man, very often differ; and great will be the diffe- find it in my heart to congratulate you on the rence when they make an evil choice. A go choice you have made, or the success which vernment of five hundred country attornies has attended your endeavours. I can as little and obscure curates is not good for twenty- recommend to any other nation a conduct four millions of men, though it were chosen by grounded on such principles, and productive eight and forty millions; nor is it the better for of such effects. That I must leave to those being guided by a dozen of persons of quality, who can see further into your affairs than I am who have betrayed their trust in order to obtain able to do, and who best know how far your that

power. At present, you seem in every actions are favourable to their designs. The thing to have strayed out of the high road of gentlemen of the revolution society, who were

The property of France does not so early in their congratulations, appear to be govern it. Of course property is destroyed, strongly of opinion that there is some scheme and rational liberty has to existence. All of politics relative to this country, in which you have got for the present is a paper circu- your proceedings may, in some way, be useful. lation, and a stock jobbing constitution: and For your Dr. Price, who seems to have specuas to the future, do you seriously think that the lated himself into no small degree of fervour territory of France, upon the republican sys- upon this subject, addresses his auditors in tem of eighty-three independent municipalities the following very remarkable words: “I can (to say nothing of the parts thai compose them) not conclude without recalling particularly te can ever be governed as one body, or can ever vour reccllection a consideration which I have be set in motion by the impulse of one mind? more than once alluded to, and which probably When the national assembly has completed your thoughts have been all along anticipating, its work, it will have accomplished its ruin. a consideration with which my mind is in These commonwealths will not long bear a pressed more than I can express. I mean the stato of subjection to the republic of Paris. consideration of the favourableness of the pre They will not bear that this one body should sent times to all exertions in the cause of monopolize the captivity of the king, and the liberty." dominion over the assembly calling itself na- It is plain that the mind of this politica tional. Each will keep its own portion of the preacher was at the time big with some erspoil of the church to itself; and it will not traordinary design; and it is very probable suffor either that spoil, or the more just fruits that the thoughts of his audience, who under. of their industry, or the natural produce of their stood him better than I do, dià all along



run before him in his reflection, and in the them the delusive hope of a dolo out of the whole train of consequences to which it led. spoils of their own order? Are the citizens

Before I read that sermon, I really thought of London to be drawn from their allegianco I had lived in a free country; and it was an by feeding them at the expense of their fellow. errour Icherished, because it gave me a greater subjects ? is a compulsory paper currency to liking to the country I lived in. I was indeed be substituted in the place of the legal coin of aware, that a jealous, ever-waking vigilance, this kingdom? Is what remains of the plunto guard the treasure of our liberty, not only from dered stock of public revenue to be employed invasion, but from decay and corruption, was in the wild project of maintaining two armies our best wisdom and our first duty. However, to watch over and to fight with each other? If I considered that treasure rather as a posses- these are the ends and means of the revolution sion to be secured than as a prize to be con- society, I admit they are well assorted ; and tended for. I did not discern how the present France may furnish them for both with precetime came to be so very favourable to all ever

dents in point. tions in the cause of freedom. The present I see that your example is held out to time differs from any other only by the circum- shame us. I know that we are supposed a dull stance of what is doing in France. If the sluggish race, rendered passive by finding our example of that nation is to have an influence situation tolerable, and prevented by a medion this, I can easily conceive why some of ocrity of freedom from ever attaining to its full their proceedings which have an unpleasant as- perfection. Your leaders in France began by pect, and are not quite reconcileable to huma- affecting to admire, almost to adore, the British nity, generosity, good faith, and justice, are constitution; but, as they advanced, they came palliated with so much milky good-nature to to look upon it with a sovereign contempt. wards the actors, and borne with so much he- The friends of your national assembly among roic fortitude towards the sufferers. It is us have full as mean an opinion of what was certainly not prudent to discredit the authority formerly thought the glory of their country. of an example we mean to follow. But allow. The revolution society has discovered that tho ing this, we are led to a very natural ques- English nation is not free. They are convintion ;-What is that cause of liberty, and what ced that the inequality in our representation is are those exertions in its favour, to which the a “defect in our constitution 80 grass and palexample of France is so singularly auspicious ? pable, as to make it excellent chiefly in form Is our monarchy to be annihilated, with all the and theory." That a representation in the laws, all the tribunals, and all the ancient cor- legislature of a kingdom is not only the basis porations of the kingdom? Is every landmark of all constitutional liberty in it, but of all of the country to be done away in favour of a legitimate government; that without it a gogeometrical and arithmetical constitution ? Is r'ernment is nothing but an usurpation; '—that the house of lords to be voted useless? Is epis- " when the representation is partial, the kingcopacy to be abolished? Are the church lands dom possesses liberty only partially; and if to be sold to Jews and jobbers; or given to bribe · extremely partial, it gives only a semblance , new invented municipal republics into a parti- and if not only extremely partial, but corrupy cipation in sacrilege? Are all the taxes to chosen, it becomes a nuisance.” Dr. Price be voted grievances, and the revenue reduced considers this inadequacy of representation as to a patriotic contribution, or pairiotic pre- our fundamental grievance; and though, as to sents ? Are silver shoe-buckles to be substi- the corruption of this semblance of representatuted in the place of the land tax and the malt tion, he hopes it is not yet arrived to its full tax, for the support of the naval strength of this perfection of depravity; he fears that“ nothing kingdom? Are all orders, ranks, and distinc- will be done towards gaining for us this essencions to be confuurded, that out of universal tial blessing, until some great abuse of power anarchy, joined to national bankruptcy, three again provokes our resentment, or some great or four thousand democracies should be formed calamity again alarms our fears, or perhaps till into eighty-three, and that they may all, by the acquisition of a prere and equal representasome sort of unknown attractive power, be tron by other countries, whilst we are mocked organized into one? For this great end is the with the shadow, kindles our shame." To this army to be seduced from its discipline and its he subjoins a note in these words. "A

reprefidelity, first by every kind of debauchery, and sentation chosen chiefly by the treasury,

and then by the terrible precedent of a donative in the increase of pay? Are the curates to be * Discourse on the Love or our Country 30 seduced from their bishops, by holding out to edit. p. 39


a few thousand of the dregs of the people, who made on the revolution. The revolution which are generally paid for their votes."

is resorted to for a title, on their system, wants You will smile here at the consistency of a title itself. The revolution is built, accorthose democratists, who, when they are not on ding to their theory, upon a basis not more their guard, treat the humbler part of the com- solid than our present formalities, as it was munity with the greatest contempt, whilst, at made by a house of lords not representing any the same time, they pretend to make them the one but themselves; and by a house of comdepositories of all power. It would require a mons exactly such as the present, that is, as long discourse to point out to you the many fal- they term it, by a mere “shadow and mockery" lacies that lurk in the generality and equivocal of representation, nature of the terms “ inadequate representa- Something they must destroy, or they seem to tion.” I shall only say here, in justice to that themselves to exist for no purpose. One set is old fashioned constitution, under which we for destroying the civil power through the echave long prospered, that our representation clesiastical; another for demolishing the ecclehas been found perfectly adequate to all the siastic through the civil. They are aware that purposes for which a representation of the peor the worst consequences might happen to the ple can be desired or devised. I defy the ene- public in accomplishing this double ruin of mies of our constitution to shew the contrary. church and state ; but they are so heated with To detail the particulars in which it is found their theories, that they give more than hints, so well to promote its ends, would demand a that this ruin, with all the mischiefs that must treatise on our practical constitution. I state lead to it and attend it, and which to themselves bere the doctrine of the revolutionists, only that appear quite certain, would not be unacceptable you and others may see, what an opinion these to them, or very remote from their wishes. gentlemen entertain of the constitution of their A man among them of great authority, and country, and why they seem to think that some certainly of great talents, speaking of a supgreat abuse of power, or some great calamity, posed alliance between church and state, says, as giving a chance for the blessings of a con- “perhaps we must wait for the fall of the civil stitution according to their ideas, would be powers before this most unnatural alliance be much palliated to iheir feelings ; you sec why broken. Calamitous no doubt will that time they are so much enamoured of your fair and be. But what convulsion in the political world equal representation, which being once obtain- ought to be a subject of lamentation, if it be ed, the same effects might follow. You see attended with so desirable an effect ?" You they consider our house of commons as only see with what a steady eye these gentlemen "a semblanco," " a form," "a theory,” “ a are prepared to view the greatest calamities shadow,"' * a mockery,” perhaps“ a nuisance.” which can befall their country!

These gentlemen value themselves on being It is no wonder therefore, that with these systematic; and not without reason. They ideas of every thing in their constitution and must therefore look on this gross and palpable government at home, either in church or state, defect of representation, this fundamental grie- as illegitimate and usurped, or at best as a vance (so they call it) as a thing not only vain mockery, they look abroad with an eager vicious in itself

, but as rendering our whole and passionate enthusiasm. Whilst they are government absolutely illegitimate, and not at possessed by these notions, it is vain to talk all better than a downright usurpation. Ano- to them of the practice of their ancestors, the ther revolution to get rid of this illegitimate fundamental laws of their country, the fixed and usurved government, would of course bo form of a constitution, whose merits are con perfectly justifiable, if not absolutely necessary. firmed by the solid iest of long experience. Indeed their principle, if you observe it with and an increasing public strength and nationa any attention, goes much further than to an prosperity. They despise experience as the alteration in the election of the house of com- wisdom of unlettered men; and as for the rest. mons; for, if popular representation, or choice, they have wrought under-ground a mine thai is necessary to the legitimacy of all govern will blow up at one grand explosion all examment, the house of lords is, at one stroke, bas- ples of antiquity, all precedents, charters, and tardized and corrupted in blood. That house acts of parliament. They have “the rights is no representative of the people at all, even

Against these there can be no in “semblance or in form." The case of the prescription; against these no argument is crown is altogether as bad. In vain the crown binding: these admit no temperament, and may endeavour to screen itself against these no compromise ; any thing withheld from their gentlemen by the authority of the establishment full o'rmand is so much of fraud and injustics

of men.

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