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Foreseeing the possibility of such a dilemma, he wrote to Mr. Madison, under date of December 17, 1796, authorizing and requesting him, in that event, to manifest his disclaimer in favor of Mr. Adams.

"The first wish of my heart was, that you should have been proposed for the administration of the government. On your declining it, I wish any body rather than myself: and there is nothing I so anxiously hope, as that my name may come out either second or third. These would be indifferent to me; as the last would leave me at home the whole year, and the other, two-thirds of it. I have no expectation that the Eastern States will suffer themselves to be so much outwitted, as to be made the tools for bringing in P. instead of A. I presume they will throw away their second vote. In this case, it begins to appear possible, that there may be an equal division where I had supposed the republican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also possible, that the Representatives may be divided. This is a diffculty from which the constitution has provided no issue. It is both my duty and inclination, therefore, to relieve the embarrassment, should it happen: and in that case, I pray you, and authorize you fully, to solicit on my behalf that Mr. Adams may be preferred. He has always been my senior, from the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference. And when so many motives will be operating to induce some of the members to change their vote, the addition of my wish may have some effect to preponderate the scale."

So soon as the event of the election became known, Mr. Jefferson made every exertion to re-establish harmony between himself and Mr. Adams. They had been cordial friends from the beginning of the Revolution until their return from Europe. After their reunion on this side the Atlantic, various little circumstances occurred, which produced a coldness and partial estrangement on the part of Mr. Adams. But none of these things, it appears, had affected the mind of Mr. Jefferson. The deviation of his revolutionary co-worker from that line of politics, on which they had been united, had not made him less sensible of the rectitude of his heart. He wished him, most devoutly, to know this, as well as another truth, that he was sincerely gratified at having escaped the 'late draught for the helm,' and had not a wish to which his friend presented an obstacle. That he should be convinced of these truths was important to their mutual satisfaction, and perhaps to the harmony and good conduct of the public service. Accordingly, he addressed a letter to Mr. Madison, in which he enclosed another to Mr.

Adams, stating the undiminished cordiality of his attachment, in the most affecting terms; and concluding with the sincere prayer that his administration might be filled with glory and happiness to himself, and advantage to the nation.

The following selections from his correspondence at this period, display a character, to which the world has hitherto attached little credit, in the estimates which it has put upon this extraordinary personage.

To J. MADISON.-"It is difficult to obtain full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so with those who still remain in the world. But never was there a more solid unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind of any man, short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, were necessary to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office, or acceptance of the second. No motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but that of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing her being driven too far to leeward of her true principles. And the second is the only office in the world about which I cannot decide in my own mind, whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate. For I think with the Romans of old, that the General of to-day should be a common soldier to-morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams, particularly, I could have no feelings which would revolt at being placed in a secondary station to him. I am his junior in life, I was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and lately his junior in our civil government. I had written him the enclosed letter before the receipt of yours. I had intended it for some time, but had put it off, from time to time, from the discouragement of despair to make him believe me sincere. As the information by the last post does not make it necessary to change any thing in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal, as well that you may be possessed of the true state of dispositions between us, as that if there be any circumstance which might render its delivery ineligible, you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be induced to administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for an Eng. lish constitution, it would be worthy consideration whether it would not be for the public good, to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in."

To E. RUTLEdge.- "You have seen my name lately tacked to so much of eulogy and of abuse, that I dare say you hardly thought it meant your old acquaintance of '76. In truth, I did not know myself under the pens either of my friends or foes. It is unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse wounds, while unmerited praise

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has not the power to heal. These are hard wages for the services of all the active and healthy years of one's life. I had retired after five and twenty years of constant occupation in public affairs, and total abandonment of my own. I retired much poorer than when I entered the public service, and desired nothing but rest and oblivion. My name, however, was again brought forward, without concert or expectation on my part; (on my salvation I declare it.) I do not as yet know the result, as a matter of fact; for in my retired canton we have nothing later from Philadelphia than of the second week of this month. Yet I have never one moment doubted the result. I knew it was impossible Mr. Adams should lose a vote north of the Delaware, and that the free and moral agency of the south would furnish him an abundant supplement. On principles of public respect I should not have refused; but I protest before my God, that Ishall, from the bottom of my heart, rejoice at escaping. I know well that no man will ever bring out of that office the reputation which carries him into it. The honey-moon would be as short in that case as in any other, and its moments of ecstacy would be ransomed by years of torment and hatred. I shall highly value, indeed, the share which I may have had in the late vote, as an evidence of the share I hold in the esteem of my countrymen. But in this point of view, a few votes more or less, will be little sensible, and in every other, the minor will be preferred by me to the major vote. I have no ambition to govern men; no passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm. Flumina amo, sylvasque, inglorious. My attachment to my home has enabled me to make the calculation with rigor, perhaps with partiality, to the issue which keeps me there. The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, pease, &c. in hills or drills as I please, (and my oranges, by the bye when you send them,) while our eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is gathering over us; perhaps be shipwrecked in it. This is certainly not a moment to covet the helm."

To J. SULLIVAN." The idea that I would accept the office of President, but not that of Vice-President of the United States, had not its origin with me. I never thought of questioning the free exercise of the right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those whom they call into their service according to their fitness, nor ever presumed that they were not the best judges of that. Had I indulged a wish in what manner they should dispose of me, it would precisely have coincided with what they have done. Neither the splendor, nor the power, nor the difficulties, nor the fame, or defamation, as may hap pen, attached to the first magistracy, have any attractions for me. The helm of a free government is always arduous, and never was ours more so, than at a moment when two friendly people are like to be committed in war by the ill temper of their administrations. I am so much attached to my domestic situation, that I would not have

wished to leave it at all. However, if I am to be called from it, the shortest absences and most tranquil station suit me best. I value highly, indeed, the part my fellow citizens gave me in their late vote, as an evidence of their esteem, and I am happy in the information you are so kind as to give, that many in the eastern quarter entertain the same sentiment.

"Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed aspect of monarchy and republicanism, its citizens will naturally divide into two classes of sentiment, according as their tone of body or mind, their habits, connections, and callings, induce them to wish to strengthen either the monarchical or the republican features of the constitution. Some will consider it as an elective monarchy, which had better be made hereditary, and therefore endeavor to lead towards that all the forms and principles of its administration. Others will view it as an energetic republic, turning in all its points on the pivot of free and frequent elections. The great body of our native citizens are unquestionably of the republican sentiment. Foreign education, and foreign connections of interest, have produced some exceptions in every part of the Union, north and south; and perhaps other circumstances in your quarter, better known to you, may have thrown into the scale of exceptions a greater number of the rich. Still there, I believe, and here, I am sure, the great mass is republican. Nor do any of the forms in which the public disposition has been pronounced in the last half dozen years, evince the contrary. All of them, when traced to their true source, have only been evidences of the preponderant popularity of a particular great character. That influence once withdrawn, and our countrymen left to the operation of their own unbiased good sense, I have no doubt we shall see a pretty rapid return of general harmony, and our citizens moving in phalanx in the paths of regular liberty, order, and a sacrosanct adherence to the constitution. Thus I think it will be, if war with France can be avoided. But if that untoward event comes athwart us in our present point of deviation, no body, I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive us.”

CHAPTER XII.

The new administration, under John Adams, commenced on the 4th of March, 1797. In the composition of his cabinet, the President was swayed by the Hamiltonian counsellors who surrounded him, and who had made him all their own. The selection of characters was of course purely anti-republican, at the head of whom. was Timothy Pickering; and the measures of the whole administration partook thoroughly of the same political hue.

Mr. Jefferson arrived at the seat of government on the 2d of March. Though there was no necessity for his attendance, he had determined to come on, from a principle of respect to the public, and the new President, He had taken the precaution, however, to manifest his disapprobation of the mimicry of royal forms and ceremonies, which was established at the first inauguration, by declining all participation in the homage of the occasion. Soon as he was certified by the public papers, of the event of the election, he addressed a letter to Mr. Tazewell, Senator of Virginia, expressing his particular desire to dispense with the useless formality of notification by a special messenger. At the first election of President and Vice President, gentlemen of considerable distinction were deputed to notify the parties chosen; and it was made an office of much dignity. But this expensive formality was as unnecessary as it was repugnant to the genius of our government; and he was anxious that the precedent should not be drawn into example. He therefore authorized Mr. Tazewell to request the Senate, if not incompatible with their views of propriety, to discontinue the practice in relation to himself, and to adopt the channel of the post, as the least troublesome, the most rapid, and, by the use of duplicates and triplicates, always capable of being rendered the most certain. He addressed another letter, at the same time, to Mr. Madison, requesting him to discountenance in his behalf, all parade of reception, induction, &c. 'I hope, said he, I shall be made a part of no ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly as possible. If Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony, pray contrive to parry them.'

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