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the occasional interruption of which, by British Cruisers, the Portuguese Ambassador ventured rather loudly to complain as a breach of Treaty. These complaints, and the intention apparent on the part of Portugal to cling to the Slave Trade by means of her African Islands even after the separation of Brazil, have happily led Mr. Canning to search more particularly into the existing compacts with this country. An able and luminous Note has been the consequence of this inquiry; in which, after specifying the various compacts and negociations between the two States, from 1810 to the present time, he shews it to be a distinct engagement," entered into by "the contracting parties," that they "shall not permit their flag to be used for the Slave Trade, except for supplying the TRANS-ATLANTIC Possessions of Portugal." He then proceeds

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It is quite clear that the Cape de Verds, Princes, and St. Thomas's Islands are not Trans-Atlantic. The supply of these possessions with Slaves is, therefore, not permitted; and, by the royal passport under Treaty, forbidding a Slave-ship to touch at any intermediate port between the legal spot of the embarkation of her cargo and the spot of their ultimate destination, it is equally clear, that Slave-ships touching at these islands for any purpose whatever, short of imminent distress, are liable to confiscation.

By the tenor of the arguments of the Portuguese Negociators, from the date of the Treaty of Alliance in 1810 down to that of 1817, and by the plain inference to be drawn from its words, the terms "Trans-Atlantic Possessions" of Portugal must be held to designate the Brazils.

As Portugal has no longer possession of the Brazils, she has no longer any possessions for the supply of which, by Treaty, the Slave Trade was permitted; and all vessels under her flag, now trading for Slaves, must be trading to places outside of the line which she has drawn for herself in this respect, and are obviously acting in direct violation of the existing engagements between Portugal and Great Britain.

Although our remonstrances have hitherto failed upon this matter, still, aware as we have been of the necessarily unsettled state of the counsels of Portugal, we have been unwilling to take the enforcement of the Treaty into our own hands, as if she had declined to fulfil her engagements. We have been willing to believe that she required time for their completion.

Under these engagements, therefore, Great Britain now calls on her, only in a friendly spirit, to give a pledge in writing, for that general Abolition of the Slave Trade for which the time is come.

In the Letter accompanying this Note, Mr. Canning stated

We have already said, distinctly, that we never will sign a Treaty with Portugal that does not contain an article for the final and Total Abolition of the Portugese Slave-Trade.

His Ex

This Note was presented to the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 23d of September 1826. cellency's reply to it is dated the 2d of October, and is conceived in the following clear and gratifying terms:—

The undersigned is authorised to declare, that the Portuguese Government acknowledges that the moment is come to put an end to the inhuman Trade of Slaves; and that, consequently, it will have no hesitation to insert in the Treaty of Commerce, which the undersigned hopes will be shortly concluded between Portugal and Great Britain, an Article by which His Most Faithful Majesty binds himself, not only to the Total

Abolition of the Slave Trade in the Dominions of Portugal, but also to co-operate with His Britannic Majesty for the total extinction of so barbarous a traffic in the countries where it unfortunately still exists.

This is a fresh triumph, for which humanity is indebted to Mr. Canning. A motion has also been made in the Portuguese Chamber of Deputies for the entire abolition of the Slave Trade, but with what effect has not yet appeared.

State of the Brazil Slave-Trade. The largest chapter of the Parliamentary Papers is given to Brazil. That

division of it which relates to the transactions of the Mixed Commission Court at Sierra Leone, contains a variety of details of the same cruel, revolting, and fraudful description, which are to be found in the successive Reports of the Institution during the last fifteen years.

Between the 1st of January 1825 and the 31st of July 1826, upward of 1500 Brazilian Slaves were condemned into freedom; and it appears, from the SierraLeone Gazettes, that several important captures were subsequently made. One, the Prince de Guinée, freighted with 608 Slaves, and strongly armed, was gallantly taken, after a desperate resistance, by Lieutenant Tucker, in a small schooner, a tender to H. M. S. Maidstone another, the Intrepida, measuring only 100 tons, had on board 310 Slaves in a state of great wretchedness and emaciation-seventy of them died in forty-six days: a third, the Invincible, with a cargo of 440 Slaves, a number, it seems, 63 short of her full complement, but these so crowded together that it became absolutely impossible to separate the sick from the healthy; and dysentery, ophthalmia, and scurvy break

ing out among them, the provisions and water being of the worst kind and the filth and stench beyond all description, 186 of the number had perished in less than sixty days!

Two Brazilian Ships, brought into Sierra Leone for adjudication, were ordered to be restored to the claimants; because, though they had taken their Slaves on board north of the Line, they were actually captured to the south of the Line-an occurrence, for which the Treaty had not provided. The Slaves on board these two ships-the Activo, and the Perpetuo Defensor-amounting in all to 590, when they understood that they were to be given up to the claimants, mutinied, and effected their escape to the shore; and, having made good their landing there, the Acting Governor refused to permit force to be used to recover them, and they are now under the care of the Colonial Government. The question of compensation was referred, by the Mixed Commission Court, to the decision of the two Go

vernments.

It now appears, by a despatch of Mr. Canning of the 30th of December last, that the following equitable principle will in future govern such cases, namely

That, on the one hand, no compensation can in equity be due to traders for losses sustained by them in cases of traffic carried on under circumstances which constitute an illegal trade; while, on the other hand, no condemnation of a vessel ought to take place, when the capture is made at a spot not absolutely within the boundary prescribed for capture by the Treaties.

The only practical inconvenience of this course is, that the captors receive no benefit from the capture: the Slaves, however, are not the less put into possession of their liberty.

That part of the Parliamentary Papers which refers more immediately to Brazil exhibits a remarkable contrast between the vigilant and persevering efforts of the British Consuls in the different provinces to repress the contraband Slave Trade, and the subterfuges and evasions, intermixed with occasional blustering, which the Brazilian Functionaries employ to counteract these efforts and to screen the guilty contrabandists. If a proof were wanting of the effect of Slavery in hardening the hearts of its administrators, and deadening them to every generous sympathy as well as to every honourable feeling of our nature, it might be found in these papers.

One of the great subjects of discussion arose from the Free Admission into Brazil of Portuguese Ships freighted with Slaves-a practice directly opposed, in spirit at least, to our existing relations with Brazil. That Government had agreed to place itself in the precise situation, with respect to Great Britain, in which Portugal had stood prior to the separation of Brazil from the Mother Country: by the Treaties with Portugal, the trade was strictly confined to the ships and capital of Portuguese Subjects: now, therefore, it ought to be strictly confined to the ships and capital of Brazilian Subjects, trading within the prescribed limits. So eager, however, in Brazil, is the appetite for Slaves, that they make an exception in favour of the Slave-ships of Portugal; which they admit, while other Portuguese Ships are excluded.

Another point of discussion respects the measurement of Slave-ships, which, contrary to all principles of good faith, continues to be conducted according to a peculiar standard, so as to permit a far larger number of Slaves to be packed in a vessel than would be legal according to! its real dimensions: thus a vessel called the Rosalia, measuring only 99 tons and authorised therefore to carry only 246 Slaves, is rated at 198 tons and authorised to carry 495 Slaves.

A third point of discussion referred to, is the Licences given by the Brazilian Government to Slave-ships going to the southern coast, to touch at places north of the Line. This Licence could so plainly serve no other purpose than that of fraudulently facilitating a contraband trade, that a decree was issued, in compliance with the representations of our Government, forbidding it in future: the Slave-traders, however, clamoured so loudly, that, in a short space, this decree was repealed.

Remonstrances without end have continued to be presented, and proofs exhibited of illicit importations into Brazil from the northern line of the African Coast; but they have been treated with a disregard, which it seemed surprising that our Government should so long tolerate. Their forbearance, however, is perhaps accounted for by the recent appearance of a Treaty, which, at length, fixes the final period of the Brazilian Slave-Trade:

At the expiration of three years, to be reckoned from the exchange of the ratifica

tions of the present Treaty (in March 1827), it shall not be lawful for the subjects of the Emperor of Brazil to be concerned in the carrying on of the African Slave-Trade, under any pretext, or in any manner whatsoever; and the carrying on of such trade, after that period, by any person subject to his Imperial Majesty, shall be deemed and treated as Piracy.

This is another great triumph achieved by Mr. Canning in the course of last year and, though it is impossible not to mourn over the horrors of the inter

vening period, yet let us not lose sight of the gratitude which we owe to God, for having thus far crowned with success the efforts of this country in the Cause of Humanity, that the Decree has at length gone forth, that before three years 1 shall have elapsed the African SlaveTrade will cease to have a legal existence in any part of the civilized world.

Slave Trade and Slavery in the United
States.

It is to be regretted that no arrangements have yet been entered into with the American Government, for the mutual suppression of the Slave Trade; especially as there have appeared strong indications, in the course of last year, of American Interests being embarked under foreign flags in this traffic. The Slave Trade, however, which most deeply affects the character of America, is her Internal Slave-Trade; which, to the reproach of her free institutions, fills her southern provinces with atrocities paralleled only in the annals of Africa. We are happy to observe, that this Slave Trade, as well as the Slavery which gives it birth, has begun widely and strongly to engage the attention of the American Public; and that, after the example of England, Anti-Slavery Societies are now forming throughout the Union, embracing not only the object of protecting Free Blacks and Mulattoes from being kidnapped and reinslaved, but that of the Universal Emancipation of the African Race. It is, without doubt, a deep stain on the character of Great Britain, that any of her subjects, and especially of her public men, should subsist by the forced labour of Slaves; but, in one or two of the Middle States of America, some of the highest names in the annals of that Nation actually derive their income from breeding Slaves for the southern plantations, in the same way in which cattle and pigs are in this country reared for the market!

Nov. 1827.

Entire Abolition of Slavery in Austria, The time, it may be hoped, is fast approaching, when a better feeling will pervade every part of the world pretending to Christian Principle and to the light of civilization: and it is no slight encouragement to the cherishing of this peared from the Emperor of Austriahope, that a Decree has recently apremarkable, both for the principles which it asserts and the sanctions which it throughout the Austrian Dominions. imposes utterly abolishing Slavery

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Every man," says His Imperial Majesty, "by the right of nature, sanctioned by reason, must be considered as a free person." Every Slave becomes free from the moment he touches the Austrian Soil or even an Austrian Ship." The free governments of Great Britain, America, and France, may learn a salutary lesson of justice and humanity from this Monarch.

Bitter Hostility against the Colony of
Sierra Leone.

In the midst of the general gloom which covers the face of this Quarter of the Globe, there is one district of coast, from which a better day promises to dawn on Africa. The Colony of Sierra Leone, in common with all similar establishments, has indeed had to struggle with danger and difficulties. From peculiar circumstances, it has not only had more than its full share of these to contend against, but it has had to encounter, throughout the whole course of its existence, a bitter and unsparing hostility, ever aiming to bring into discredit the humane and liberal principles which gave it birth.

It has been felt, and not perhaps without reason, that a Colony of Negroes, blessed with free institutions, instructed, civilized, and prosperous, living in peace and subordination, and exhibiting in their conduct the charities of social and even of Christian life; while they creditably discharge their duties as members of a civil society, by turns administering and obeying laws which equally protect the rights of all, and know no distinction of class and colour-it has been naturally felt, that an Establishment of this kind, if once constructed and matured, would shake to its foundation the fabric of African Slavery.

It cannot, therefore, appear extraordinary, to any who know the influence of self-interest and prejudice combined, that the utmost pains should have

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the Slave Trade: some difficulties have
arisen, which the Directors regret, on
the part of our Government, in confirm-
ing this arrangement: measures, how-
ever, have been taken to maintain that
exclusion of the Slave Trade from this
line of coast, which had been effected by
General Turner; and which, it is hoped,
that nothing will occur to impede.
milar cessions might have been obtained
to the northward of the Colony, had the
policy of our Government permitted the
Local Authorities to fall in with the de-
sire of the Natives to have the shield of
British Protection thrown over them:
a large district, however, to the north-
east of the Colony, comprising the banks
of Port Logo, a branch of the River Si-
erra Leone, has been incorporated with
the British Possessions; and a great step
in advance has thus been made toward a
more free communication with the coun-
tries bordering on the Niger. A consi-
derable cession of territory has also been
negociated in the Gambia, at the mouth
and on the north bank of that noble
river, comprehending a great part of the
Kingdom of Barra.

been systematically taken to malign this
Colony, and to deprive it of the public
favour and countenance. But, as a Par-
liamentary Inquiry will probably take
place in no long time, which will serve
to dissipate all illusions on the subject,
it is now the less necessary to enter
upon it. It is obvious, that, in the case
of a Colony mainly composed, as Sierra
Leone is, of the very rudest and most
intractable human materials which could
be collected into a social union-of per-
sons drawn from the most remote points
of the African Coast and Continent;
speaking probably fifty different lan-
guages; disembarked there in a state of
absolute nakedness, after having been
shut up for months in the holds of Slave-
ships, sunk to a level almost below the
brute-it is obvious, that, in the case of
a Colony constructed of such materials,
just emerging, in their different degrees,
from a state of the very lowest debase-
ment both of body and mind, the inge-
nuity of an enemy may find much, espe-
cially when addressing an uninformed
audience, to give an edge to his calum-
nies, and to heighten the discredit and
contempt which it is his object to excite.
But the candid and discriminating rea-
soner will not be deluded by such arts;
and he will form his estimate of the value
and of the progress of such an establish-
ment, not by applying to it the standard
of European Civilization, but by view-
ing it in contrast with the depth of the
debasement of the African while crossing
the Desert in chains, or while crowded
into his floating dungeon of disease and
death.

Extension of the Colony of Sierra Leone. But, whatever may be the discredit which the laborious and inveterate hostility of some persons may have succeeded in attaching to this Colony in the public opinion of England, it is most certain that it is viewed with no such unfavourable eyes by the surrounding tribes they have better learnt to appreciate the blessings and immunities to be enjoyed under its protection, as contrasted with the wretchedness and insecurity which prevail within the sphere of the Slave Trade.

The Directors, in the last Report, announced the voluntary cession, by the Native Chiefs of the Sherbro' District, of about one hundred miles of coast adjoining the Colony southward-a cession made on the express ground of their de siring to be shielded from the ravages of

The following notice appears in the Appendix.

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A "Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of the Colony of Sierra Leone" was laid upon the table of the House of Commons in the last Session of Parliament, of which it was intended to have given an Abstract in this Appendix; but the Report having been presented to the House unaccompanied by the Appendix, to which very frequent reference is made, and without which, in point of fact, any abstract which might be made, must necessarily be incomplete, it has been thought best to defer printing any part of it for the present.

Illness and Recovery of Mr. Buxton.

It

The consideration of the state of the Slave Trade in Mauritius was to have been made the subject of a parliamentary discussion; but this was prevented by the sudden illness of Mr. Buxton, who had undertaken to bring it forward. is with sincere satisfaction that the Directors have to congratulate the Meeting, on the recovery of that invaluable friend of their cause from the severe attack which he has experienced; and on the prospect of his being able to resume, with all his former energy, those benevolent labours which have been thus painfully suspended. In the mean time, the Di

rectors will postpone their remarks on
the subject, in the hope that the ensuing
Session of Parliament will remove what-
ever obscurity now hangs upon it.
Trial and Acquittal of Captain Young,

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of the Malta.

The first trial, which has occurred under the Act of Parliament which constitutes Slave-trading a capital crime, took place at the Admiralty Sessions, held at the Old Bailey, on the 24th of October last. The facts of the case were these:-Thomas Young sailed from Liverpool in a vessel called the Malta, to trade for the produce of Africa: while trading in the river Gaboon, he took eight women on board, as hostages for the payment of advances of goods made to Native Chiefs the debts for which they were specifically pledged being paid, they ought all, according to African Law, to have been released: four of them, however, were retained in custody, not on account of any failure on the part of the person pledging them to discharge his obligations, but because another Chief of the same place had contracted a debt to Mr. Young, which he had neglected to pay: on this ground, four of the women were detained in custody; and when the Malta was about to quit the coast, they, not having been redeemed by their relations, were sold to a Spanish Slaver for about thirty dollars each the great distress of the women on the occasion was given in evidence. The plea of Mr. Young, but unsupported by any evidence, was, that he had not SOLD these women, but merely transferred them to the Spanish Captain for the amount of his debt; the Spanish Captain engaging to restore them to their relations on being repaid his advance*. The jury appear to have given credit to this statement, for they returned a verdict of Not Guilty; and it is probable that they gave the more weight to it, as this was the first time that any prosecution of Slave-trading as capital offence had taken place. Possible Grounds of Captain Young's Ac

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quittal.

Possibly, also, in a case of this kind, considerations might involuntarily ob

If the plea of the Captain were true, it would not render him less liable to the penal sanctions of the Act. He had treated and dealt with them as Slaves: and if so vague a plea were to be admitted as a sufficient defence, British Ships might visit the coast on pretence of trading for ivory; exchange their merchandise for Slaves, under the name of hostages; and then part with them for dollars to Spaniards or Frenchmen,

trude themselves on the minds of the most conscientious juror, to incline the balance in favour of the accused. It might occur to him as an anomaly in our Law, that Mr. Young should suffer death for having done that on the coast of Africa, which, in our Colonies, on the opposite shore of the Atlantic, is done daily, not only with impunity, but legally: it might seem to him not quite consonant to natural justice, at least not quite consistent with a rational legislation, that Mr. Young should be hanged for the very same act in one degree of longitude, which many British Subjects, of high consideration in society, were allowed, in a different degree of longitude, openly and constantly to commit, without incurring either penalty or discredit.

Property, it has been said, is the creation of law: still the dicta of law cannot obliterate the traces of natural equity and if we suppose a juror to have called to mind, that some of the very individuals who had framed the law which condemned Thomas Young to death, for buying and selling his fellow-creatures in Africa, were themselves in the avowed and regular practice of buying and selling their fellow-creatures in the West Indies, he might have been led, without any very grave impeachment of his integrity, to shrink from dealing out to this unhappy individual so unequal a retribution.

Moral Turpitude of Colonial Slavery.

But, whether such a view of the subject presented itself to the minds of the respectable jurors who acquitted Mr. Young, or not, it is still one which lies at the very root of the whole question of the Slave Trade. It is in SLAVERY, that the Slave Trade has its origin: it is the Market provided by the Slaveholder which furnishes the direct in

centive to all the crimes of a Trade in Slaves-to the murders and conflagrations which attend their capture-to the condensed horrors of the middle passage which follow it-and to the misery and desolation of a continent: and, if so, is the conduct of Great Britain quite consistent, in cherishing and even encouraging Slavery, with all its attendant sales and transfers of human beings, in our Colonies, while on principle she repudiates and proscribes and capitally punishes the Slave Trade in every other part of the world?

Let it not be supposed, that it is intended to blame the righteous zeal which

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