No. CLXVI.

VOL. XXVII.

If we were to frame and fashion an Utopia of our own, we should not place it amid the balmy gales of Araby the blest, nor in "either Ind," where luxury and voluptuous ease appear to secure, while they undermine the foundation and poison the springs of happiness. No. We would select the British Isles. "Merry" England should be united, in very deed, to soul-emancipated Ireland; and Scotia's hills, and Cambria's vales, should bear witness, and ring with joy and gladness at the glorious consummation. The same spirit should pervade the whole "band of brothers," and the hearts of the people should be as the heart of one man; and they should all “ FEAR GOD, AND HONOUR THE KING;" and, when the hallowed seventh day arrived, a shrilling burst of gratitude should arise from the earth; and "with one accord" the people should offer up their prayers and praises to the Giver of all good things. There should exist no longer sects and divisions, and sub-divisions, stirring up the minds of men, and mingling our base and angry earth-born passions with the things which profess to be of Heaven. The preachers should be men of holiness and understanding, and the people should attend the house of God to pray to HIM alone, and to listen, as men who come to be instructed, and not to criticise. Lovely is the picture which imagination might trace of such a state of things; and dear, thrice dear to the soul of man were the hope that time, and experience

VOL. XXVII. NO. CLXVI.

of the evils of disunion, might produce something like the reality. But it is an Utopia! and we turn therefrom, as from a pleasant dream, awakening to the painful conviction that it is and can be but a dream.

A perfect accordance in the same religious creed, is the firmest bond of union by which a nation can be linked together; and, perhaps, the next degree of strength is that in which, although the people may be divided on that most important subject, the GOVERNORS are of one mind and persuasion.

In the latter condition England was, until the last sitting of the Protestant Parliament, previous to which the King and all in authority under him were members of" the Established Church of England." This union or identity, between the members of the Church and the members of the Council and the Senate, is now at an end, and consequently, the relative position of that Church is no longer what it has been. A certain number of her members will be removed from power, in order that their places may be filled by individuals belonging to an avowedly hostile creed. This change has been wrought by what is called "the spirit of liberality," a wild, excursive, nondescript sort of spirit which hath arisen among us, and which appeareth not to rejoice so much in inculcating doctrines of its own, as in exciting disbelief or indifference towards all those which have been previously established. It delighteth much in "generalities," generalities," a kind of broad

2 z

bottomed affirmations, in the indulgence of which, among other novelties, it declareth that one religion is as good as another; and that there should be no distinction among men in society, in consequence of any peculiarity in their respective creeds; since a man's belief is a mere casual circumstance-a thing of no more moment than the colour of his coat, or any peculiar habit which he may have acquired-dependent upon his parents or the place of his birth, rather than upon the individual himself;-in brief, a matter totally unworthy of consideration or enquiry in the present enlightened age, and "advanced" state of intellect.

It cannot appear surprising that men, avowedly under the influence of this spirit, should deprecate the idea of upholding any one of the various systems of religious worship in the possession of what they must conceive an unjust pre-eminence.

The Church of England has nothing to expect from them in her downward career. The bonds which closely united her with the State have been loosened; and most assuredly she would immediately be cast adrift, were it not for the complicated involutions and Gordian knots wherewith time hath connected her with "the system," and with " patronage," and, in some degree, in consequence of certain hitherto unconquered prejudices existing in her favour among individuals in the highest classes of society, who have not yet learned utterly to abandon themselves, and join the crusade of liberality.

How long these prejudices may endure, is a matter of mere speculation, and will depend greatly upon the character and influence of those men whose duty is to overlook and build up the once national Church.*

For those purposes alone, clearly expressed and solemnly attested by themselves, were the hierarchy and the entire priesthood of that church, appointed to their several stations. They have sworn that they will fulfil those duties, and, as much as in them lieth,-to the uttermost of their power, banish and repel all erroneous doctrine, that is to say, all opinions which are contrary

* Επισκοπέω και κατασκευάζων

to the thirty-nine articles of their establishment. Now a priesthood, if unable to acquire influence over the minds of men, is the weakest and most defenceless of all combinations of human beings; but, if it possess a mental dominion, there exists no power that may be compared with it. Whatever the tenets and creed of any church may be, if they are accredited by the people, if that people believe their ministering priests to be really guides to everlasting happiness-and if they have no doubts respecting the sincerity, devotion, and ability of those guides, then that church must prosper.

At the present moment it may be well worth while to enquire how much of this mental dominion and confidence in their "spiritual guides" of the Established Church, exists in the breasts of Englishmen. There was a time, and that not very far removed from the present age, when congregations of dissenters were comparatively rare-now, however, there is scarcely a populous village in the kingdom without its meeting. house, and few towns without seve ral places of worship for Christians of various denominations, unconnected with the Establishment. Without any breach of charity, we may infer that the greater proportion of these sectarians are incapable of sympathizing with their mighty rival, should any farther breach be made in her privileges. Perhaps we might say many, but certainly we may aver that some sects would rejoice in her downfall. Be their feelings, however, in that respect what they may, the vast number and increase of seceders and dissenters from the "Establishment" renders it less a national church than it was formerly; and if the events of coming years are at all to accord with those which are past, it will, probably soon, become a question, whether she is to be maintained in her yet existing pre-eminence.

Never, since the days of the First Charles, has her situation been so precarious! All the elements which then gloomily mingled and gathered as a thunder cloud to burst upon her, are now in motion. Rome is upon the alert, glowing with newly-kindled

supported in the Lower by his connexions and family interest. "Why," might his party ask, "in the name of liberality and common justice, should the present union of a particular building and its revenues with the Church of England' be irrevocable, when the Bishops of that Church scruple not to increase her revenues by the addition of chapels which have formerly been the property of dissenters? The right of the owners of those chapels, and the congregation assembling therein, to change their mode of worshipping the Deity, is not questioned. Why are we not allow ed the same freedom of action, the same control over our own property? You cannot now plead that the Church of England is the sole religion of the State? The State, if the term means any thing, consists of King, Lords, and Commons, and the members of our communion sit, side by side, with yours in both Houses. Give us then equal privileges to dispose of our own property. Compel us not any longer to support what we deem heresy." Similar language may be expected from patrons attached to other denominations of Christians; and, in order that the claim may meet attention, it is probable that they will all make it a common cause in the first instance, however inveterate their prejudices may be against each other. But should there be no coalition between the parties, each will strive to regain its own proper right, and the growing spirit of "liberality" will exclaim against the flagrant injustice of that monopoly, by which the whole of the "livings" (or provisions made by the State for the support of religion) are held in the possession of one particular sect, for such must the once national church be, in future, considered.

Let it not be imagined that we are now theorizing on what may, perhaps, be the influence of events upon the minds of men. At the present moment, the hardship of paying towards the support of the English clergy is openly, and almost generally, complained of by dissenters, whose conscientious belief in the tenets of their peculiar creed, compels them likewise to provide for their own minister. "We are," they say, "thus compelled to uphold two doc

trines, while we believe only in one." This will not be a question respecting the propriety of tythes, the payment of which has been so frequently averred to be nothing more than an incumbrance, or a sort of rentcharge upon land, known to all parties previously to the completion of any contract for the purchase or lease of estates; and the discontinuance of which would be only beneficial to the landholder for the time being, who could, and would, as a matter of course, raise his rents in proportion to the charges remitted. It may be acknowledged that a permanent fund for the support of the clergy is most desirable, in order that" the poor may have the Gospel preached unto them." It may be admitted that the present system, by which that fund is provided, cannot, without infringement on private property, be altered; but the matter in debate will be, whether the whole of the revenue thereby secured, particularly that portion which belongs to dissenters, shall be awarded to the clergy of one sect, when the governors and governed are divided into many?

It was a favourite axiom during the debates last year, upon the question called Roman Catholic Emancipation, that it was “not a question of religion but of policy;" and consequently, any reflection upon the purity of that church, whose doctrines were heretofore considered as "damnable," was coughed down, and voted "illiberal." We have seen, in days gone by, we care not to say precisely how long since, that politicians (aye, and able politicians too, if they may be estimated by the tact with which they have carried their favourite measures) have existed without religion-that is to say, as politicians; for, if they had any as individuals, they were too "“ liberal" to make it manifest; they either dismissed their prejudices, or wore them so loosely, fluttering in the wind, according to the fashion of the day, that it was hard to say to what point of the compass they were directed. Such characters were, and are, and ever will be. A politician may exist without religion; but it will form a new era in the history of mankind, when we behold religionists (properly so called) without po

licy. We speak of those having authority and influence. All men professing religion "in sincerity and truth," will use their utmost endeavours, and avail themselves of every advantage attendant upon their position in society, for the propagation of truth. And, "a man's truth is that which he troweth," or believeth. Such being the case, we must anticipate an endeavour, on the part of Roman Catholics and other sects, to remove the Church of England yet farther from the commanding position which she so recently occupied. From that she has been driven; and, to use a military phrase, is now "retreating," while the "enemy are upon the advance." There is no want of alacrity on their part. The dignity of a cardinal (a sort of religious "field-marshal" for the nonce) has been conferred upon an Englishman, and a noble clergyman has deserted to their ranks. Colleges are erected in various parts of the kingdom for "accomplishing the knights" destined to uphold the red-cross banner, and prosecute the holy war. In the meanwhile, other sects are zealous and active, "instant in season and out of season," 99.66 encompassing sea and land to gain proselytes." Our colonies, even to "the farthest parts of the earth," are visited by their missionaries; and the voice of their preachers is heard in every town and village throughout the land --and that not merely on the Sabbath day. In the neighbourhood of large towns, tents, and floating chapels, and even the highways, bear witness to the zeal of these sectarians. And what if that zeal be sometimes "without knowledge!" Alas! that were but an additional reason for those who may be supposed gifted therewith, to exert themselves.

This is not the place for entering upon any defence of, or animadversion against, the various doctrines inculcated by different sects. The fact of their existence and extensive ramification is sufficient for us when

endeavouring to estimate the real influence of the Church of England, over the minds of the English people.

The numerous colleges, and seminaries, and chapels, and meeting houses, throughout the land, supported by voluntary contributions, and all unconnected, if not hostile to the "Established Church," plainly evince that a very considerable portion of the population worship without the pale of its communion. And that this portion of the people is considerable, not merely in number but in wealth, is equally clear from the number of these establishments, and the manner in which they are supported. We lay no stress here upon the existence of those gigantic undertakings, the Missionary and Bible Societies, and others of a similar nature, as many of them receive support from members of the Established Church, and therefore the division of feeling is not so complete as in matters which relate only to the worship of the Deity, and the creed written in a man's own heart.

Now, without entering into the various questions relative to the representation of the people in Parliament, it is self-evident, that numbers and wealth must have a share therein, whether those advantages and their usual influence appertain to members of the church, the chapel, or the meeting house. Individuals from each will sit in our legislative assemblies, with the avowed purpose of consulting the general good; and, it is to be presumed, will, for some time, at least, act under the influence of that grandiloquent spirit, called "Liberality." Now, the general good, as defined by the dogmatists of the liberal school, has no connexion with individual interests. Of them it scorns to take cognisance. It is enough that the ruin of one set of men will be of infinite service to somebody, although the uninitiated may be incapable of discovering who is to derive the benefit. "Time," say the modern politicians, "will shew our wisdom: