the treaty of Hanover for ever odious to the English nation We are ready to acknowledge, that the interefts of Hanover were more confulted in this treaty than thofe of England. But after having examined the fecret articles of the treaty of Vienna; after having read the avowal of the, Duc de Riperda, it is impoffible not alfo to acknowledge, that an alliance between this country and France had become neceffary for the fafety of both. England could not be uninterefted or indifferent, while Auftria and Spain were plotting the overthrow of the Proteftant religion, and of the British conftitution; while the former was endeavouring to create a naval power at Oftend; and while the latter fhowed her determination to regain poffeffion of Minorca and Gibraltar. Mr. Beitham asks," how did thofe hoftile defigns originate in the Imperial and Spanish Courts? How," continues he, "but from the multiplied caufes of offence given by the King of England to thofe great and powerful courts?"

But what were the offences which had been given “for a long feries of years" to the Court of Vienna? Was it before 1723, that Bolingbroke's affertion can be faid to be true (if true at all) that we had infulted the Emperor? Was it by procuring Sicily for the House of Auftria, in 1719, that England gave offence to his Imperial Majefty? What was the language of Alberoni? He faid openly, that the English Miniftry was lafchement vendu à la cour de Vienne. It is evident (as may be efpecially feen from the fall of Riperda) that the hoftility of the Emperor towards England, was chiefly provoked by the gold of Spain.

But with the treaty of Vienna before his eyes, how could Mr. Belfham confider it as occafioned only by the impolicy of Great Britain? Allowing that this country had rafhly infulted the Emperor, as it had perhaps unjustly attacked Spain; was that a reafon why thefe two powers fhould enter into a league to difmember the monarchy of France, and to add Burgundy, Alface, and Franche Compté to the patrimony of the House of Auftria? Was it merely from refentment to George the First, that it was agreed that, in cafe of the death of Louis XV, the infant, Don Philip, fhould inherit the crown of France, and that the two fons of the King of Spain fhould marry the two daughters of the Emperor? But at what æra could England have acceded to fuch wild fchemes of ambition? When would fhe not have made war to baffle fuch daring attempts to destroy the balance of power in Europe, and indeed to lay the foundations of univerfal empire? When thefe confiderations are joined to the promifes made in favour of the Pretender by Auftria and Spain, we are not afraid of concluding, with Sir

Robert

Robert Walpole, that "it was highly reasonable, both in France and England, to take the alarm at fuch defigns, and prevent the execution of them; for this purpose an alliance was neceffary, and that we might not trust too much to the affiftance of France, it became requisite to form alliances alfo with the northern powers, and fome of the Princes of Germany."

But however we may differ from Mr. Belsham, we are as little inclined to conclude with Mr. Coxe, that this was an English treaty in every respect but the name. Mr. Coxe feems to think he has proved this, becaufe the King and the German Minifters were averfe to this tranfaction. But why were they averse to it? Not because they thought the interests of England were more confulted in it than thofe of Hanover; but because they thought affairs might have been managed with more pru dence, and with lefs rifk. The King certainly rejoiced at the alliance with France, and could not but confider it as of the highest importance to be supported in his claims upon Bremen and Verden, as well as the Dutchy of Mecklenburg, by fo powerful a friend. But ftill he might be unwilling to come to a final rupture with the Emperor, from whom he might yet hope to obtain the investiture of the two first-mentioned places. His Majefty might likewife dread, left the impetuofity of his English Minifters might expofe him to be put under the ban of the Empire. The King might alfo perhaps regret, that the fame means were not adopted to gain the Emperor, as had been already employed with fuccefs to obtain the alliance of Denmark. Thus we can conceive it very poffible, that the treaty was not approved by the King and the German Ministers; and yet can understand, that the interefts of Hanover were more confulted in it than thofe of England.

We have now examined the principal fubjects of controverfy between Mr. Coxe and Mr. Belfham. Before we conclude, however, we must again advert to the intemperate language of the latter, which is neither becoming in the scholar, nor decorous in the hiftorian. If Mr.Beltham be confidered as a party writer by Mr. Coxe, he will not be thought the less fo for the injurious epithets, which he has bestowed fo liberally upon that gentleman. Mr. Coxe, however, is not the only perfon who is befpattered with the dirt, which is thrown. around him by the historian of the Houfe of Brunswick. Mr. Pitt efpecially is loaded with the groffeft abufe by this obferver "of ftrict historic impartiality, who defires to extenuate nothing, nor fet aught down in malice." He indulges "no perfonal rancour" against the Minifter; but he calls him utterly incapable of governing the British empire; he declares

him ignorant how to make peace or war, unfkilled in the fcience of human nature, and knowing no mode of overcoming Oppofition, but by coercion and violence. He afferts, that no Minifter has ever been the cause of so much evil; he accuses him of cunning, pride, obftinacy, and meannefs. If Mr. Belfham fhould indulge the greatest perfonal rancour against Mr. Pitt, what more could he fay? We defire not, however, to rake up this abuse, or to imagine what more might poffibly be faid by thofe, who have faid fo much. We are fatisfied about the impartiality of fuch writers as Mr. Beltham; and shall beg leave, according to our own notions of that word, to form our opinions of the conduct and capacity of the present Minister, as well as of parties long laid to reft.

ART. VI. The Oriental Collections, for July, Auguft, Septemtember, October, November, December, 1797*. 4to. 11. 5s. Harding, Pall Mall. 1799.

WE are happy to find the hopes realized, which we expreffed concerning the Oriental Collections, in a preceding Reviewt; that the work proceeds, and with the withed-for fpirit and encouragement. While the eye of the public is fo generally directed eastward, where commerce and war alternately engage the attention, and where the most interefting events may always be expected, whatever tends to illuftrate the manners and customs of the Afiatics to extend the knowledge of their language and hiftory, and to bring to light the valuable antiquities of a country where the reign of barbarifm has long fuperfeded, though not obliterated, that of letters and science, cannot fail of being highly acceptable to a nation fo engaged as this is with the Oriental world. The table of Contents, in the concluding numbers for the year 1797, is abundant, and the merit of the refpective articles various. We thall felect for confideration what appears to us to be most important, and refer our readers to the work itfelf for matters of less prominent intereft and orility.

The firit article. The Manufcript of an Eaftern Itinerary, though not of any great importance in itfelf, we mention, becaufe we with the plan, whenfoever poffible, to be continued;

it being of great utility to the eastern traveller and geographer to have journals kept and publifhed, minutely defcribing any ftriking objects that occur in travelling over fuch defolate tras as that "from Gombroon to Kirman," the ancien' Carmania, in the neighbourhood of which every claffical reader will recollect, Alexander and his army were nearly perithing for want of guides in the fandy deferts, Those who have known with what rapture the fhade of palm-trees, and fprings of fresh water, are hailed in the parched regions near the equator, by the fainting caravan, will readily acknowledge the juftice of our remark. This journal too is fan&tioned by the name of Hyde, and its authenticity therefore may be depended upon. On the ancient Sculptures of Beyfitoun; by W. Oufeley, Efq.

P. 211.

The fubject of this article are, the fculptures recorded by Diodorus Siculus to have been hewn in the mountains of Baghiftan by Semiramis, and fuppofed to reprefent that queen furrounded by her guards, musicians, and other attendants, in ftatues of gigantic magnitude. The editor, Major Oufeley, informs us, that the modern Perfians difpute this honour in favour of one of the wives of their gicat hero, Khofru Parviz, for whofe fake, and to render whom immortal, he cut away the mountain of Beyfitoun, himself being carved near the object of his affection, fitting on horfe- back, clothed in complete armour, and the whole fo exquifitely finithed, as to appear like life.

The next article contains a tranflation from the SHAH NAMAH NESR, of the history of their loves, which is in the highest ftyle of eaftern romance; and, of the two accounts, the reader will poffibly be inclined to think that of Diodorus the most probable and rational. As this is a delicious fpecimen, from the pen of the great Ferdufi, the Homer of Perfia, we shall not withhold it from him, at least that part which contains the cream of the story; for the whole narration is too long for infertion. We fay the cream of the ftory, becaufe, according to the author (the author of the Shah Namah) this mighty mountain of rock, by the magical touch of his Mufe, is converted into a Lactarium, and reprefented as rolling down its steep fides a river of milk. We muft, however, always make due allowances for the extravagancies of thefe fublime bards of Afiatic origin.

"Hiftorians, and those who relate ancient traditions, thus inform us, that when Hormuz the king had driven forth his fon Khosru Parviz*

"Khofiu, whom the Greek writers call Chofrees, began to reign in the year of Chrift 590."

from

from the city, the prince became very penfive and full of melancholy thoughts. And while he was reflecting on his fituation, he fuddenly fell asleep, and his grandfather Nufhirvan (furnamed the juft) appeared before him in a dream, and faid, 'O my fon, why art thou thus melancholy and dejected? Banifh all forrow from thy mind. Four things fhall be thy portion, each of which is equal in value to the empire of Iran. I now declare to thee thefe tidings!-In place of the horfe which you have loft you will get two, one called Shebdiz*, the other Gulgoont. The nails of your favourite harper have been cut off—but you fhall find two others unequalled in the world, one called Barbud, the other Nekifa. The third gift that awaits you is a painter more fkilful than Manit, of Cheen. And the fourth bleffing which you are to enjoy, is a female named Shireen§, far fuperior to any woman who has yet exifted, at whose transcendant beauty even the fun is confounded.'

6

"When Khofru Parviz awoke from his dream, he was aftonished, and faid to himself, This vifion of my ancestor may not deceive me: the dream may yet be fulfilled.' When he thought on this, he was pleafed, though filled with refentment against his father.-Proceeding on the road towards Madaien, he happened to meet the painter Shapour, who defcribed to him the charms of Shireen with many eulogiums. When Khofru heard thefe praifes from Shapour, he defired him to devife fome plan for obtaining Shireen. Now, while Shapour contrived this, the whole ftory of the tranfaction is minutely related, in the work called Khofru Shireen, by the poet Nizami¶, to whom God be merciful! But as the narrative is of confiderable length, we fhall at prefent fomewhat abridge it, left the reader should get a beadacb**.

"Now we return to the thread of the ftory:-Hiftorians relate, that Khofru, with his heart incenfed against his father, proceeded to Madaien, and there remained with Shireen, whofe aunt was Mahin Banoun, till fuddenly king Hormuz died. When the news of his death reached Khofru, he fet out for Iran that he might be enthroned; and in a propitious and lucky hour he feated himfelf on his father's throne, and placed the golden diadem upon his head. All the great nobles and the learned men prefented themselves before him, congratulated him, and paid him homage. Then king Khofru laid the foundation of juf

* "Shebdiz, of a dark or blackish colour.

+ Gulgoon, role coloured.

Mani. So the Perfians call Manes, the celebrated Herefiarch, who founded a religious fect in the third century. They defcribe him as a painter of fuch admirable skill, that he exhibited his pictures as works fent from heaven.

Shireen, literally Sweet,

Not far from the modern Bagdad.

See the preceding article of the Collections, p. 214.

**As this paffage is repeated in almost every third or fourth page of georgi al MS. I have taken the liberty of omitting it in feveral parts

translation."