The object and defign of the prefent undertaking," he tells us, *is to extract from as many of these authors of all the three kinds," writers upon the whole or on parts of the Itinerary," as could be obrained and confulted, a view of the Itinerary regular, and confiftent in all its parts. And this could only be expected by proceeding on fome uniform principle, or rule of interpretation. The principle here adopted, is that which the work itself prefents, and invites the ufe of; and this is an exact and particular attention to the diftances of the towns, according to the numbers laid down for the defignation of them. This is the only peculiarity the prefent comment pretends to beyond thofe which have gone before it, and this point has been strialy attended to through the whole of it. In all former writers on this work, it has been thought enough to fay, in loofe and general terms, that the diftances agree with the numbers. But, in the prefent cafe, the diftances are never faid to agree with the numbers, without producing the best evidence that can be obtained of the truth of the affertion. This is the difcriminative character, which is efpecially relied upon to recommend the following pages to the notice of thofe who are converfant in these studies. And from this method, it is hoped, the value of the original work will be established on a firm foundation, and that it will appear, that however greatly it may have fuffered from time and tranfcribers, yet fo much of it remains perfect, or within the power of fair and natural correction, as to afford a moft curious and valuable defeription of the state of our ifland, at the time it was under the Roman government, and when that people were in full poffeffion of all parts of it, fouth of the wall built by Hadrian." Pref. xvi. On this principle, Mr. Reynolds commences his career, after a Preface of 24 pages, and an Introduction of 134, with the First Iter in Antonious. But his critical idea of the nearly perfect" ftate of the Itinerary in general, and his historical notion of the Romans being then in poffeffion of" only the fouth of the wall built by Hadrian ;” a notion and an idea, taken up against authority, and against evidence, have led him moft wildly aflray in the very firtt Iter. That the country between the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, all the region from Carlile to Stirling, or from the Tyne to the Clyde, denominated Valentia by the Romans, was not given up, or meant to be given up, by Hadrian, when he built his wall, is demonftrable from feveral points. We fhall notice them at fome length, in order to expofe an affertion, fo contrary to fact, yet made the very bafis of that Introduction, and this Itinerary. At RIECHESTER, in Northumberland, fome miles to the north of Hadrian's wall. has been found this infcription on a ftone, that was a part afluredly of a temple there : Deo invicto Soli focio facrum pro falute et incolumiiate Imp. Cacs. M. Aureli Antonini Pii Felicis Augufii*." The 46 * Horley's Northumberland, xciv. BRIT. CRIT. VOL. XIV. DEC. 1799 temple temple was therefore erected "a folo extructum," in the reign of one of the Antonines, and (as has been fuppofed) by either Commodus or Caracallat, when the Romans were "in full poffeffion of parts north of the wall built by Hadrian," and in fuch fecure poffeffion as to be building a temple at Riechefter, in thofe parts. Riechefter, Mr. Horley obferves (p. 241) is "the next fort on Watling-street," as he comes from "the famous itation at RISINGHAM, which is the first that appears this way," (p. 234) but equally fome miles on the north of Hadrian's wall. There an altar has been found, infcribed for the fafety "Aurelii Antonini Pii Augufti ;" another of the Antonines, and moft probably M. Aurelius Antoninus the philofopher (p. 237). Several of the coins found lately at this ftation" of Riechefter, "were of Marcus Aurelius, one of which I had myfelf. This confirms to us, that the Romans were, about that time, poffeffed of this and the neighbouring ftations; and makes it more probable, that the Antonine mentioned above in an infcription at Rifingham, might be Marcus Aurelius." (p. 244) Thefe fufficiently prove against Mr. Reynolds, that this region to the north of the wall was not given up to the Britons in the reign of Hadrian, and that his immed ate fucceffors, the Antoni: es, ftill maintained garrifons within it. What then can be faid for the writer, who, with thefe evidences all before his eye, could prefume to contradict, yet not venture to difcufs them? Nothing can be said, bet that, enflaved to an hypothefis, he put a bandage over his own eyes. We are forry to fay this of an author, new, we believe, to the literary world, and a man in general of foberness and candour. Yet it is too apparent, we think, from what we have alleged. But it will be more fo, we apprehend, from what we fhall now add, out of a work which appears no lefs familiar to him than Horfley's, yet the arguments of which he equally chofe to contradict, though he equally could not venture to difcufs them. "As the Romans carried their arms into the mediterranean parts of the island," Mr. Whitaker fays, in his juvenile work, the Hiftory of Manchester, they fecured their conquefts by a range of forts upon their northern borders, to cut off the communication betwixt the conquered and unconquered Britons, and prevent any invasion of the country by the latter. Thus Oftorius, as Tacitus informs us, carried a regular chain of camps along the Severn and the Upper Avon, the Avon of Gloucefterfhire, Warwickshire, and Northamptonshire, and the genuine and long-loft Antona of that hiftorian; and after As appears in the clofe of the fame infcription 5 wards wards continued it, as fact feems plainly to fhew us, along the Fen of Northamptonshire to the marshes of the eastern coat. A second series was also drawn from the Eden to the Tyne, before the reign of Hadrian. And a third was conftructed by Agricola, betwixt the friths of Forth and Cluyd. Thefe the Romans laid out at their first reduction of the country. And they regularly continued them afterwards, on their peaceable fettlement in the provinces. But as the Caledonians, in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, had over-run Valentia" to the north, and Maxima" to the fouth of the fecond feries, " pretty certainly avoiding the frequent forts in the narrow ifthmus betwixt the friths, by crofling the Kelvin from the country of the Attacotti below Bemulie, and afterwards paffing betwixt the fewer forts on the wider ifthmus of Cumberland and Northumberland, Hadrian connected the latter by a regular wall of turf. And the Britons again paffing the forts betwixt the fruths, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and invading the land of the Novantes” in Valentia, "Lollius united the former by another, and carried the wall and the forts into the country of the Attacotti, and nearly up to their capital. Hadrian meant NOT BY THE ONE ERECTION TO RESIGN THE PROVINCE OF VALENTIA TO THE CALEDONIANS, any more than Severus meant it by rebuilding the wall of flone, when he was juft returning from, or advancing to, the intended fubje&tion of all Caledonia. And Hadrian DESIGNED NOT TO CEDE VALENTIA TO THE ENEMY, any more than Lollus defigned to cede the conquefts of Agricola in the country of the Horefti, when he was even preparing to reduce all the Caledonians, and had actually reduced the Attacotti. The walls were erected to continue the chain unbroken from fort to fort, and preclude the Caledonians from flipping by the forts, and ravaging the country. They could no longer pafs by the ftations on the friths and rivers. And, if they even crofled the former in their veffels, they were liable to be attacked by the troops from the country, and were effectually reftrained in their progrefs by the wall betwixt the rivers. Valentia was conftantly retained in the power of the Romans; the kingdom of the Novantes being fubject to them at the period of the invasion, and betwixt the conftruction of Hadrian's, and the erection of Antoninus's rampart. And the whole province remained under their dominion to the days of Severus, the reign of Constantine, and the final feceffion of the Romans from the island." Book i, ch. xii, fect. v. After an account fo pointed in its manner, fo circumftantial in its matter, and fo corroborated by citations in the notes, what, we must afk, could feduce Mr. Reynolds to write in direct oppofition to it all, though he attempted not to give one iota of reply to it? Having fhown the remarkable error, which this author has ftated in his very Introduction, and which, as we have intimated before, actually pervades his whole work, we shall now proceed to examine his conduct in the management of the Firft Iter. It runs thus : "A Limite, id eft, a Vallo Pretorium ufque- 44 Bremenium, which has been hitherto fixed at Riechefter, a ftation mentioned above as fome miles to the north of Hadrian's wall, and there fixed upon that beft of authorities, a Roman infcription at Riechefter, bearing the very appellation of Bremenium, is transferred by Mr. Reynolds, in fubferviency to his haftily adopted hypothesis, to Newcastle upon Tyne. Confidering the Itinerary alfo to be here perfect," as necding, and fo receiving no "correction," he thus makes the Iter commence its career "a Limite, id eft, a Vallo," and "A Bremenio," together. But to this tranfpofition of the ftation, the infeription prefents an unfurmountable barrier. Mr. Reynolds, however, acts now with an ingenuousness which he has not shown before, recognises the infeription, and endeavours fairly to level the barrier thus oppofed to him. "The only argument of any confequence," againft this new pofition of Bremenium, he fays, is an altar found at Riechefter, which occafioned Camden to fuppofe that place Bremenium :-The part of the intcription, on which the evidence in favour of Riechefter is founded, is thus given by Camden, and fince copied by Horsley, who faw and examined this old altar, now preferved at Connington, the feat of Sir Robert Cotton, in Huntingdonshire. DRS DUPL.N.EXPLOR. BREMEN,ARAM INSTITUERUNT "The word BREMEN is certainly very plain in this infeription. But the circumftance of the altar being found at Riechefter, muft excite a fufpicion that this place was not Bremenium, rather than that it was. It feems by no means natural to put the name of a town upon an altar erected there. Nor have I met with one infcription, that will bear fuch an interpretation with certainty. Horfley lays great ftrefs upon two infcriptions, one found at Rifingham, and another at Bargh, by Bainbridge in Yorkshire. The firft has great probability, but does not appear pofitively conclufive. The other is more uncertain, becaufe imperfect." So far fpeaks the text. "This is by far the ftrongeft inftance," adds a note," but the force of it is confiderably diminished, by its being capable of two of "This altar, and that below found at Rifingham, are removed from Connington, and are placed in the fpace at the foot of the ftaircafe, leading to the library of Trinity-College in Cambridge." three three different interpretations. It was found in the river Read near Rifingham, and is fuppofed to have been dedicated to a topical God of the Gadeni, by a beneficiarius, or attendant on fome principal officer of the army in thefe parts. BF COS HABITANCI PRIMA STA PRO SÉ ET SUIS POS. Camden reads Beneficiarius Confulis Habitanci Primas tam pro fe, &c. as if this Beneficiarius of the Conful had been alfo chief magiftrate of Habitancum, either this town, or fome other in the neighbourhood. Horley interprets these words, Benefic. Cons. Habitanci prima Statione, and fuppofes this town might be at that time the most northerly ftation. And they may mean that an attendant of the chief magistrate, the Conful of Habitancum, (either here or elsewhere) erected it primâ itatione. The first magiftrate at Thetford in Norfolk, is faid to have been called Conful at the Conqueft. This interpretation would refer primâ ftatione to Rifingham, and give reason to look for Habitancum within or near the wall. From this view, I think this proof probable, but not conclufive," "Camden and Horfley," fays the text, proceeding with Riechefter, "explain the inscription" there" in this manner, Duplares Numeri Exploratorum Bremenii Aram inftituerunt, as if certain unknown bands of explorators erected the altar at Bremenium, that is, here at Riechefter. The interpretation I would propofe is, Exploratorum Bremenienfium, a band of explorators belonging to Bremenium, erected this altar. The word BREMEN is clearly a contraction, and much more likely to be an adjective to EXPLOR, than the name of the town; though I prefume, if it is read Bremenii, the infcription may be interpreted in the fenfe here propofed." P. 156-158. We have here given a large extract from Mr. Reynolds's Teafonings, in order to fhow how anxiously he struggles against an overpowering evidence, which yet he is unable to throw off. When a town is named upon any infcription, the natural conclufion is, that the name belongs to the place where the infcription was found. This conclufion alfo becomes additionally ftronger, if the name upon the infcription be equally a name in the Itinerary. Nor can any fuggeition repel the conclufion, unless the name upon the infcription be the well-known appellation of another town, referring only to a fingle perfon of the latter, accidentally dying and buried there, with an in- fcription declaring his relation in life to the former*. But when the town itself is exprefsly fpecified by itself upon an infcription, the very fpecification undeniably proves, in all the true theory of reasoning upon fuch points, that the place of the infcription once bore the appellation on it; and all that Mr. Reynolds has urged against this argument, is like the dust of the As, in an inftance dwelt upon by Mr. Reynolds, with an air of triumph, a Decuria Colonic Clevenfis goes to Bath, and is buried there. defert |
