CHAP. reflection, "the originals are more proper for that XLIX. purpose, than the copies;" and he refused to comJune. municate other letters, declaring that it had not been 1773. the design of them "to subvert the constitution of the Government, but, rather to preserve it entire.” 1 Then conscious of guilt, he by the very next packet sent word to his confidential friend in London, to burn such of his letters as might raise a clamor, for, said he, "I have wrote what ought not to be made public. 2 1 He had written against every part of the Constitution, the elective character of the Council, the annual choice of the Assembly, the New England organization of the towns; had advised and solicited the total dependence of the judiciary on the Crown, had hinted at making the experiment of declaring Martial Law, and of abrogating English liberty; had advised to the restraint of the commerce of Boston and the exclusion of the Province from the fisheries; had urged the immediate suppression of the Charter of Rhode Island; had for years "been begging for measures to maintain the supremacy of Parliament," by making the denial of that supremacy a capital felony; and all for the sake of places for his family and a salary and a pension for himself. To corrupt pure and good and free political institutions of a happy country, and infuse into its veins the slow poison of tyranny, is the highest crime against humanity. And how terribly was he punished! For 1 Message of the Governor to the House of Representatives, 9 June, 1773; in the Representations, &c. " Hutchinson to Sir Francis Bernard, probably, 14 June, 1778. XLIX. 1773. what is life without the esteem of one's fellow-men! CHAP. Had he been but honest, how New England would have cherished his memory! Now his gray hairs, June. which should ever be kept purer than the ermine, were covered with shame; his ambition was defeated, and he suffered all the tortures of avarice trembling for the loss of place. It was Hancock, who, taking advantage of the implied permission of Hutchinson, produced to the House copies of the letters, which were then published and scattered throughout New England and the Continent. A series of Resolves was adopted, expressing their true intent, and was followed by a Petition to the King, that he would remove Hutchinson and Oliver for ever from the Government. The Council in like manner, after a thorough analysis of the real intent of the correspondence, joined in the same prayer. So great unanimity had never been known. Timid from nature, from age, and from an accusing conscience, Hutchinson bowed to the storm; and expressed his desire to resign. "I hope," he said, “I shall not be left destitute, to be insulted and triumphed over. I fall in the cause of Government; and whenever it shall be thought proper to supersede me, I hope for some appointment; "2 and calumniating Franklin as one who wished to supplant him in the Government of Massachusetts, he himself made interest for Franklin's desirable office of Deputy Postmaster General.s All the summer long the insidious letters, that XLIX. CHAP. had come to light, circulated through the Province, XX and were discussed by the single-minded country July. people during the week, as they made hay or 1773. gathered in the early harvest; on Sundays, the ministers discoursed on them, and poured out their hearts in prayers for the preservation of their precious inheritance of liberty. "We devote not only what little we have in the world," said the people of Pearsontown, “but even our lives to vindicate rights so dearly purchased by our ancestors."1 The town of Abington became convinced that the boasted connection with Great Britain was "not worth a rush."2 The natural right of mankind to improve the form of Government under which they live, was inculcated even from the pulpit; and at the time when the Pope was abolishing the order of the Jesuits, some of the clergy of Boston predicted that "in fifteen years," the people of America would mould for themselves a new Constitution. CHAPTER L. THE BOSTON TEA PARTY. AUGUST-DECEMBER, 1773. L. 1773. THE East India Company, who were now by Act CHAP. of Parliament authorized to export tea to America entirely duty free in England, applied to the Trea- Aug. sury in August for the necessary license. They were warned by Americans, that their adventure1 would end in loss, and some difficulties occurred in details; but the scruples of the Company were overruled by Lord North, who answered peremptorily, "It is to no purpose making objections, for the King will have it so. The King means to try the question with America." 2 The time was short; the danger to Boston immi- Sept. nent; resistance at all hazards was the purpose of its Committee of Correspondence; violent resistance might become necessary; and to undertake it without a certainty of union would only bring ruin on the town and on the cause. 1 Lee to S. Adams, 22 Dec. 1773. * Almon's Anecdotes and Speech es of the Earl of Chatham, ch. xli. Compare also B. Franklin to his CHAP. L. 1773. Sept. A Congress, therefore, on "the plan of union proposed by Virginia," was the fixed purpose of Samuel Adams. He would have no delay; no waiting for increased strength; for, said he, "when our liberty is gone, history and experience will teach us, that an increase of inhabitants will be but an increase of slaves." Through the press he appealed to the Continent for a Congress in order to insist effectually upon such terms as would not admit of any other authority within the Colonies than that of their respective Legislatures.1 It was not possible to join issue with the King more precisely. The first difficulty to be overcome existed in Boston itself. Cushing, the Speaker, who had received a private letter from Dartmouth, and was lulled into confiding in "the noble and generous sentiments" of that Minister, advised that for the time the people should bear their grievances. "Our natural increase in wealth and population," said he, "will in a course of years settle this dispute in our favor; whereas, if we persist in denying the right of Parliament to legislate for us, they may think us extravagant in our demands, and there will be great danger of bringing on a rupture fatal to both countries." He thought the redress of grievances would more surely come "if these high points about the supreme authority of Parliament were to fall asleep." Against this feeble advice, the Boston Committee of Correspondence aimed at the union of the Province, and "the Confederacy of the whole Continent of America." They 'In the Boston Gazette of Monday, 13 Sept. 1773; on second page, 1st and 2d column, 962, 2, 1, and 2. Hutchinson to Dartmouth, 23 Sept., 1773. 2 T. Cushing to Arthur Lee, 20 Sept. 1773. |