gious opinions, for the sake of easing tender consciences; and thus both indefatigably busy in the prosecution of their several claims, they are both, in truth, equally, in secret, hostile to each other, and to the church (which is thus placed between their two fires); and yet they reciprocally favor each other's success, although repugnant and incompatible; and containing the interchangeable principle of self-destruction, secured to them, if they succeed, by their own exertions!! For it is clear, that if, in this struggle, the Dissenters should succeed, the Roman Catholics are removed one step further from Popish ascendancy; the Protestant church of England being the only medium by which they can hope to obtain it. On the other hand, should the Roman Catholics obtain the removal of all disabilities and restrictions, and the undisturbed freedom of the inviolable duty of proselytism and conversion to the Romish church, the poor simple Dissenters would, in the end, be extirpated with fire and sword:

'The lifted axe, the agonizing wheel,

Luke's iron crown, and Damien's bed of steel!'

It is the bounden duty of government to put down any great secret power, unknown as to its purposed application, which, be it exercised for good or evil, has a direct tendency, proprio vigore, to affect and operate on parliament, or the executive government of the country, in their public measures. "The Catholic Association" is that great unknown power, and "The Catholic Rent," secret in its purposes, and mysterious in its application, the grand moving engine of that unknown power. It is created and raised for the intent and purpose of drawing in the physical force of Ireland to the implicit obedience, control, guidance, and direction of this, I consider to be, traitorous "Association ;" and also for the consequent effect of overawing the king and parliament.

It is quite an inconsiderate error to suppose that such a dange rous and fearful " Association" is not illegal, because the specific purpose of its conclave meetings is unknown to government. It is sufficient for any government to know that such great power exists in action; that it is dangerous to the safety and tranquillity of the country; and government has a right to know and control. the application and exercise of such power. There is little doubt, also, that the bare levying and collecting this contribution, "The Catholic Rent," is not merely unconstitutional, but absolutely illegal; and punishable as such, both by the statute and the common law of the land.

It is time for England to profit by experience, and no longer to indulge in its fond visions of universal philanthropy and toleration, or of forbearance and forgiveness, when the true genuine hostile odium (described by Tacitus) of the Jews towards Christians

pre

vails, and ever will be nourished, and thrive in Roman Catholic Ireland, against her parent country. In Ireland the Roman Catholic priesthood reigns supreme over the minds and over the actions of their flock. I insist on it, that the lower orders of the Roman Catholic population are not roused into rebellious complaints of their own mere motion, or urged by their own individual feeling any particular hardship at the government of England imposing certain restrictions on them, in the filling the higher offices of the state. What grievance is it to the poor miserable inhabitant of a mud cabin, with lath-latticed windows, and doors without a latch, stretched on his bed of straw on the common floor of nature, without pavement, without comfort; stretched at his ease, like the lubbar-fiend, by the side of his peat fire, and surrounded by un whitened walls, and covered in by a frail and broken roof; all his Lares and Household Gods, consisting of a simple sprig of misletoe and a worn-out horse-shoe, for luck-sake hung up on his clay-wattled wall to turn his adverse fortunes, and appease his hard and rigid destinies! I say, what calamity, or what grievance is it to such a forlorn being, to be told, that he is, by his profession of religion, excluded froin holding the high offices of state; that, unless be will renounce his allegiance and his implicit obedience to the mandates of a foreign power, he can never be Lord-Lieutenant, or Lord-Chancellor, or lord of any thing, but the barren dreary waste he surveys !

I have the authority of the well-informed and the well-affected part of the community in Ireland, in ascribing all the disaffection, all the unconquerable spirit of rebellion now, and ever, stirring in Ireland, to the all-pervading influence of the Roman Catholic priesthood, ever busy and restless in the exercising its boundless domination over the hearts, and minds, and energies of the whole mass of the people. It is not to be forgotten that in the rebellion of 1798, "between thirty and forty students of the Royal Roman Catholic College of Maynooth actually joined the rebels, and fought at Kilcock and other places against their beneficent sovereign [and founder]; some of whom fell in battle, and the remainder fled' from justice; and, that after the suppression of the rebellion, the governors of the college expelled sixteen other students for having taken part in it." We also know, that " a committee of assassination had been formed in the University of Dublin by youths of the Popish religion, who had been admitted into that seminary for their education-I had almost said, in violation of the charter; in consequence of which, a visitation was held by the late Lord Clare, then Vice-Chancellor of the University; and some were expelled, others fled; but agreeably to the system of conciliation of the day, no legal proceedings were taken against any of them." The Uni

versity of Dublin, as 1 learn, has since righted itself in the public opinion; but rather than have the former munificent endowment of our late pious and revered sovereign a seminary to nurture little ❝ unfledged, callow" traitors in, to change our established religion, and overturn our glorious Protestant constitution and government, it would be to apply it to a far better, fitter purpose, to convert at once this but ill-requiting Royal College of Maynooth into a barrack for the common defence of our church and state, and with these, of our lives and liberties. It is better at once to close the doors of further concession to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, than to deceive them, or endeavor to cajole them, by holding outto them delusive, unsubstantial hopes, that we will ever fulfil their large desires, by ceding to them the state itself. This will bring matters to an unequivocal, open flame, which is less fatal and destructive than the slow, smouldering embers of a latent treason;to a bold crisis of the disease; which is better than lingering on in a feverish state of existence, harassed by conflicting doubts, and living in an endless thraldom of dread and apprehension! I think that government, or 'rather parliament, should at once, in equal justice and ingenuousness, say to the Roman Catholics,-" Usque huc venies et non procedes amplius; et hic confringes tumentes fluctus tuos." Sir, if further concessions are granted, the ground is gone on which our church and government stood, and we are lost for ever as a Protestant state or people. But before that dreadful day, of our being again delivered over to the terrible dominion and vengeance of the court of Rome shall arrive, I hope to be at rest :- Cupio dissolvi et esse cum Christo!" I would die for the church, any day, any hour; and so, I trust, would you, Sir, and thousands of other faithful subjects of these happy realms, and " greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life" for the object of that love. Life is not worth having, if we lose, or ingloriously yield up that inheritance which our fore fathers purchased with their blood. All the comfort, all the quiet, we do or can enjoy, is solely owing to, and depending on, the supreme ascendancy of our protestant establishment in church and state. If you grant the Roman Catholics one other single point of concession, it will be, as Selden says, "only like the little wimble to let in the greater auger!"

The great body of the laity of England look up, Sir, with confidence to parliament, that the Roman Catholics have already had the last concession made to their insatiate and rebellious demands, and that no single item further, towards weakening our established government, of those injurious demands will ever be granted, which would, otherwise, flow in on us, wave after wave, until we were overwhelmed, and "sank as lead in the mighty waters!"

In so doing, they will call down on themselves the blessing of all ranks and conditions of men, and thus finally silence the rebellious claims of the Roman Catholics, and set the case of Ireland at rest for ever: "for," in the sublime exclamation of St. Paul, "I am persuaded, that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principali ties, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of" that glorious church of Christ so happily established among us a church, so proud in its ascendancy, so meek and gentle in its dominion; having a supreme jurisdiction, it exercises its power no where, but in the hearts of the people. It oppresses none, it protects all: "it vaunteth not, is not puffed up, doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own." It is for the upholding and the maintaining this church inviolate, that I have written thus largely to you, Sir, in particular, because you have on so many occasions stood forward as her steady defender against the once wary, but now undisguised attacks of the Roman Catholics. I also have humbly toiled in the same vineyard, and have devoted years of study and research in former labors to defend our constitution in church and state from the different assaults of its various enemies; and if there is to be a final contest and struggle in the House on the Catholic Question, I have only to regret that I cannot there also contribute my little aid in so great à cause.

I have the honor to be,

With the truest sentiments of respect and esteem,

Your faithful humble servant,

WILLIAM FIRTH.

"Letter to the Bishop of Norwich," and "Remarks on the recent State

Trials." Published by Rivingtons.

OF THE

TERRITORIAL EXTENT AND POPULATION,

COMMERCE, TAXATION, CONSUMPTION, INSOLVENCY,

PAUPERISM, AND CRIME, OF

THE BRITISH EMPIRE,

DEMONSTRATING

THE TENDENCY, AS WELL OF THE FOREIGN COMMERCE OF GREAT BRITAIN, UNDER BOTH EXISTING AND PROPOSED CIRCUMSTANCES, AS THE ERRONEOUS NOTIONS WHICH PREVAIL ON THE SUBJECT TO INVOLVE THE COUNTRY IN IRRETRIEVABLE RUIN ;

CONFIRMING

DE

VARIOUS POSITIONS ADVANCED, AND INFERENCES
"SUMMARY OF THE REPORT OF THE
DUCED, IN THE

SELECT COMMITTEE OF ARTISANS, APPOINTED TO IN-
CAUSES
QUIRE INTO THE
WHICH HAVE LED TO THE

EXTREME REDUCTION IN THE REMUNERATION

FOR

LABOR IN GREAT BRITAIN, AND THE CALAMITOUS DISTRESS CONSEQUENT THEREON."