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struck out that part which related to the cabals | vote expressed their abhorrence of his amendand conspiracies of the French faction in England, ment, their sense of its inevitable tendency, and although their practices and correspondences were their total alienation from the principles and of publick notoriety. Mr. Cooper and Mr. Watt maxims upon which it was made; yet, the very had been deputed from Manchester to the jaco- next day, that is, on Friday the 14th of Decembins. These ambassadors were received by them ber, he brought on what in effect was the very as British representatives. Other deputations of same business, and on the same principles, a English had been received at the bar of the Na- second time. tional Assembly. They had gone the length of 10. Although the house does not usually sit giving supplies to the jacobin armies; and they on Saturday, he a third time brought on another in return had received promises of military assist proposition, in the same spirit, and pursued it ance to forward their designs in England. A re- with so much heat and perseverance as to sit into gular correspondence for fraternizing the two Sunday; a thing not known in parliament for nations had also been carried on by societies in many years. London with a great number of the jacobin socie- 11. In all these motions and debates he wholly ties in France. This correspondence had also departed from all the political principles relative for its object the pretended improvement of the to France, (considered merely as a state, and inBritish constitution.- What is the most remark-dependent of its jacobin form of government,) able, and by much the more mischievous part of which had hitherto been held fundamental in this his proceedings that day, Mr. Fox likewise struck country, and which he had himself held more out every thing in the address which related to strongly than any man in parliament. He at that the tokens of ambition given by France, her ag- time studiously separated himself from those to gressions upon our allies, and the sudden and whose sentiments he used to profess no small redangerous growth of her power upon every side ; gard, although those sentiments were publickly and instead of all those weighty, and, at that time, declared. I had then no concern in the party, necessary matters, by which the house of commons having been for some time, with all outrage, exwas (in a crisis, such as perhaps Europe never cluded from it; but, on general principles, I must stood) to give assurances to our allies, strength to say, that a person who assumes to be leader of a our government, and a check to the common party composed of freemen and of gentlemen enemy of Europe, he substituted nothing but a ought to pay some degree of deference to their criminal charge on the conduct of the British go- feelings, and even to their prejudices. He ought vernment for calling parliament together, and an to have some degree of management for their engagement to enquire into that conduct. credit and influence in their country. He shewed

8. If it had pleased God to suffer him to suc- so very little of this delicacy, that he compared ceed in this his project for the amendment to the alarm raised in the minds of the Duke of Portthe address, he would for ever have ruined this land's party, (which was his own,) an alarm in nation, along with the rest of Europe. At home which they sympathized with the greater part of all the jacobin societies, formed for the utter the nation, to the panick produced by the predestruction of our constitution, would have lifted tended popish plot in the reign of Charles the up their heads, which had been beaten down by Second_describing it to be, as that was, a conthe two proclamations. Those societies would trivance of knaves, and believed only by wellhave been infinitely strengthened and multiplied meaning dupes and madmen. in every quarter ; their dangerous foreign com- 12. The Monday following (the 17th of Demunications would have been left broad and cember) he pursued the same conduct. The open; the Crown would not have been authorized means used in England to co-operate with the to take any measure whatever for our immediate jacobin army in politicks agreed with their defence by sea or land. The closest, the most modes of proceeding; I allude to the mischievnatural, the nearest, and, at the same time, from ous writings circulated with much industry and many internal as well as external circumstances, success, as well as the seditious clubs, which at the weakest of our allies, Holland, would have that time added not a little to the alarm taken by been given up, bound hand and foot, to France, observing and well-informed men. The writings just on the point of invading that republick. A and the clubs were two evils which marched general consternation would have seized upon all together. Mr. Fox discovered the greatest posEurope ; and all alliance with every other power, sible disposition to favour and countenance the

; except France, would have been for ever rendered one as well as the other of these two grand inimpracticable to us. I think it impossible for any

I think it impossible for any struments of the French system. He would man, who regards the dignity and safety of his hardly consider any political writing whatsoever country, or indeed the common safety of mankind, as a libel, or as a fit object of prosecution. At ever to forget Mr. Fox's proceedings in that tre- a time in which the press has been the grand inmendous crisis of all human affairs.

strument of the subversion of order, of morals, 9. Mr. Fox very soon had reason to be ap- of religion, and I may say of human society prized of the general dislike of the Duke of Port- itself, to carry the doctrines of its liberty higher land's friends to this conduct. Some of those than ever it has been known by its most extravawho had even voted with him, the day after their gant assertors even in France, gave occasion to

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very serious reflections. Mr. Fox treated the as- Lord Edward Fitzgerald and other persons, for sociations for prosecuting these libels, as tending practices of the most dangerous kind, in Paris to prevent the improvement of the human mind, and in London, were removed from the King's and as a mobbish tyranny. He thought proper Guards, Mr. Fox took occasion, in the house of to compare them with the riotous assemblies of commons, heavily to censure that act as unjust Lord George Gordon in 1780, declaring that he and oppressive, and tending to make officers bad had advised his friends in Westminster to sign citizens. There were few, however, who did not the associations, whether they agreed to them or call for some such measures on the part of gonot, in order that they might avoid destruction to vernment, as of absolute necessity for the king's their persons or their houses, or a desertion of personal safety, as well as that of the pubtheir shops.

This insidious advice tended to lick; and nothing but the mistaken lenity (with confound those who wished well to the object of which such practices were rather discountenanced the association, with the seditious, against whom than punished) could possibly deserve reprehenthe association was directed. By this stratagem, sion in what was done with regard to those genthe confederacy intended for preserving the British tlemen. constitution, and the publick peace, would be 16. Mr. Fox, regularly and systematically, and wholly defeated. The magistrates, utterly inca with a diligence long unusual to him, did every pable of distinguishing the friends from the ene thing he could to countenance the same principle mies of order, would in vain look for support when of fraternity and connexion with the jacobins they stood in the greatest need of it.

abroad, and the National Convention of France, 13. Mr. Fox's whole conduct, on this occasion, for which these officers had been removed from was without example. The very morning after the Guards. For when a bill (feeble and lax inthese violent declamations in the house of com- deed, and far short of the vigour required by the mons against the association, (that is on Tuesday conjuncture) was brought in for removing out of the 18th;) he went himself to a meeting of St. the kingdom the emissaries of France, Mr. Fox George's parish, and there signed an association opposed it with all his might. He pursued a veof the nature and tendency of those he had the hement and detailed opposition to it, through all night before so vehemently condemned ;

its stages, describing it as a measure contrary to ral of his particular and most intimate friends, the existing treaties between Great Britain and inhabitants of that parish, attended and signed France; as a violation of the law of nations, and along with him.

as an outrage on the great charter itself. 14. Immediately after this extraordinary step, 17. In the same manner, and with the same and in order perfectly to defeat the ends of that heat, he opposed a bill, which (though aukward association against jacobin publications, (which, and inartificial in its construction) was right and contrary to his opinions, he had promoted and wise in its principle, and was precedented in the signed,) a mischievous society was formed under best times, and absolutely necessary at that junchis auspices, called, the Friends of the liberty of ture,—I mean the Traitorous Correspondence Bill. the

press. Their title groundlessly insinuated, By these means the enemy, rendered infinitely that the freedom of the press had lately suffered, dangerous by the links of real faction and preor was now threatened with some violation. This tended commerce, would have been (had Mr. Fox society was only, in reality, another modification succeeded) enabled to carry on the war against of the society calling itself the Friends of the us by our own resources. For this purpose that People, which in the preceding summer had enemy would have had his agents and traitors in caused so much uneasiness in the Duke of Port- the midst of us. land's mind, and in the minds of several of his 18. When at length war was actually declared friends. This new society was composed of many, by the usurpers in France against this kingdom, if not most, of the members of the club of the and declared whilst they were pretending a negoFriends of the People, with the addition of a vast ciation through Dumourier with Lord Auckland, multitude of others (such as Mr. Horne Tooke) of Mr. Fox still continued, through the whole of the the worst and most seditious dispositions that could proceedings, to discredit the national honour and be found in the whole kingdom. In the first justice, and to throw the entire blame of the war meeting of this club, Mr. Erskine took the lead, on parliament, and on his own country, as acting and directly (without any disavowal ever since on with violence, haughtiness, and want of equity. Mr. Fox's part) made use of his name and autho- He frequently asserted, both at the time and ever rity in favour of its formation and purposes. In since, that the war, though declared by France, the same mceting Mr. Erskine had thanks for his was provoked by us, and that it was wholly unnedefence of Paine, which amounted to a complete cessary, and fundamentally unjust. avowal of that jacobin incendiary ; else it is im- 19. He has lost no opportunity of railing, in possible to know how Mr. Erskine should have the most virulent manner, and in the most undeserved such marked applauses for acting merely measured language, at every forei as a lawyer for his fee, in the ordinary course of whom we could now, or at any time, contract his profession.

any useful or effectual alliance against France, 15. Indeed Mr. Fox appeared the general pa- declaring that he hoped no alliance with those tron of all such persons and proceedings. When powers was made, or was in a train of being

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made.* He always expressed himself with the ut- tending to confirm this horrible tyranny and robmost horrour concerning such alliances, so did all bery, and with actually dividing the house on the his phalanx. Mr. Sheridan in particular, after first of the long string which they composed, in a one of his invectives against those powers, sitting few days afterwards he encouraged and supported by him, said, with manifest marks of his approba- Mr. Grey in producing the very same string in a tion, that if we must go to war, he had rather go new form, and in moving, under the shape of an to war alone than with such allies.

address of parliament to the Crown, another viru20. Immediately after the French declaration lent libel on all its own proceedings in this session, of war against us, parliament addressed the king in which not only all the ground of the resolutions in support of the war against them, as just and was again travelled over, but much new inflamnecessary, and provoked as well as formally de- matory matter was introduced. In particular, a clared against Great Britain. He did not divide charge was made, that Great Britain had not inthe house upon this measure; yet he immediately terposed to prevent the last partition of Poland. followed this our solemn parliamentary engage - On this head the party dwelt very largely, and ment to the king, with a motion proposing a set very vehemently. Mr. Fox's intention, in the of resolutions, the effect of which was, that the choice of this extraordinary topick, was evident two houses were to load themselves with every enough. He well knows two things; first, that kind of reproach for having made the address, no wise or honest man can approve of that partiwhich they had just carried to the throne. He tion, or can contemplate it without prognosticatcommenced this long string of criminatory reso- ing great mischief from it to all countries at some lutions against his country, (if king, lords and future time. Secondly, he knows quite as well, commons of Great Britain, and a decided ma- that, let our opinions on that partition be what jority without doors, are his country,) with a de- they will, England, by itself, is not in a situation claration against intermeddling in the interiour to afford to Poland any assistance whatsoever, concerns of France. The purport of this resolu- The purpose of the introduction of Polish polition of non-interference is a thing unexampled in ticks into this discussion was not for the sake the history of the world, when one nation has been of Poland; it was to throw an odium upon

those actually at war with another. The best writers on who were obliged to decline the cause of justice the law of nations give no sort of countenance to from their impossibility of supporting a cause his doctrine of non-interference, in the extent and which they approve; as if we, who think more manner in which he used it, even when there is no strongly on this subject than he does, were of a war.

When the war exists, not one authority is party against Poland, because we are obliged to against it in all its latitude. His doctrine is act with some of the authors of that injustice, equally contrary to the enemy's uniform practice, against our common enemy, France. But the who, whether in peace or in war, makes it his great and leading purpose of this introduction great aim not only to change the government, but of Poland into the debates on the French war to make an entire revolution in the whole of the was to divert the publick attention from what social order in every country,

was in our power, that is, from a steady co-opeThe object of the last of this extraordinary string ration against France, to a quarrel with the allies of resolutions moved by Mr. Fox was to advise for the sake of a Polish war, which, for any the Crown not to enter into such an engagement useful purpose to Poland, he knew it was out of with any foreign power, so as to hinder us from our power to make. If England can touch making a separate peace with France, or which Poland ever so remotely, it must be through the might tend to enable any of those powers to in- medium of alliances. But by attacking all the troduce a government in that country, other than combined powers together for their supposed such as those persons, whom he calls the people of unjust aggression upon France, he bound them France, shall choose to establish. In short, the by a new common interest, not separately to join whole of these resolutions appeared to have but England for the rescue of Poland. The proone drift-namely, the sacrifice of our own do- position could only mean to do what all the writmestick dignity and safety, and the independency ers of his party in the Morning Chronicle have of Europe, to the support of this strange mixture aimed at persuading the publick to, through the of anarchy and tyranny which prevails in France, whole of the last autumn and winter, and to this and which Mr. Fox and his party were pleased to hour; that is, to an alliance with the jacobins of call a government. The immediate consequences France, for the pretended purpose of succouring of these measures was (by an example, the ill effects Poland. This curious project would leave to of which, on the whole world, are not to be Great Britain no other ally in all Europe, except calculated) to secure the robbers of the innocent its old enemy, France. nobility, gentry, and ecclesiasticks of France, 22. Mr. Fox, after the first day's discussion on in the enjoyment of the spoil they have made the question for the address, was at length driven of the estates, houses, and goods of their fellow- to admit—(to admit rather than to urge, and that citizens.

very faintly) that France had discovered ambi21. Not satisfied with moving these resolutions, tious views, which none of his partisans, that I . It is an exception, that in one of his last speeches, (but not before,) Mr. Fox seemed to think an alliance with Spain might

be proper.

recollect, (Mr. Sheridan excepted,) did, however, | down by Mr. Fox is this, " That every state, in either urge or admit. What is remarkable enough, the conclusion of a war, has a right to avail all the points admitted against the jacobins were itself of its conquests towards an indemnificabrought to bear in their favour as much as those tion.” This principle (true or false) is totally in which they were defended. For when Mr. contrary to the policy which this country has Fox admitted that the conduct of the jacobins did pursued with France, at various periods, particudiscover ambition, he always ended his admission larly at the treaty of Ryswick, in the last century, of their ambitious views by an apology for them, and at the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in this

. insisting, that the universally hostile disposition Whatever the merits of his rule may be, in the shewn to them rendered their ambition a sort of eyes of neutral judges it is a rule which no statesdefensive policy. Thus, on whatever roads he man before him ever laid down in favour of the travelled, they all terminated in recommending a adverse power with whom he was to negociate. recognition of their pretended republick, and in The adverse party himself may safely be trusted the plan of sending an ambassador to it. This was to take care of his own aggrandizement. But (as the burthen of all his song—“Every thing which if the black boxes of the several parties had been we could reasonably hope from war, would be exchanged) Mr. Fox's English ambassador, by “ obtained from treaty.” It is to be observed, some odd mistake, would find himself charged however, that, in all these debates, Mr. Fox never with the concerns of France. If we were to leave once stated to the house upon what ground it was France as she stood at the time when Mr. Fox he conceived, that all the objects of the French proposed to treat with her, that formidable power system of united fanaticism and ambition would must have been infinitely strengthened, and almost instantly be given up, whenever England should every other power in Europe as much weakened, think fit to propose a treaty. On proposing so by the extraordinary basis which he laid for a treaty. strange a recognition, and so humiliating an em- For Avignon must go from the Pope ; Savoy bassy as he moved, he was bound to produce his (at least) from the king of Sardinia, if not Nice. authority, if any authority he had. He ought to Liege, Mentz, Salm, Deux-Ponts, and Båle, must have done this the rather, because Le Brun, in his be separated from Germany. On this side of the first propositions, and in his answers to Lord Rhine, Liege (at least) must be lost to the empire, Grenville, defended, on principle, not on temporary and added to France. Mr. Fox's general principle convenience, every thing which was objected to fully covered all this. How much of these France, and shewed not the smallest disposition to territories came within his rule, he never atgive up any one of the points in discussion. Mr. tempted to define. He kept a profound silence

a Fox must also have known, that the convention as to Germany. As to the Netherlands, he was had passed to the order of the day, on a proposition something more explicit. He said (if I recollect to give some sort of explanation or modification right) that France, on that side, might expect someto the hostile decree of the 19th of November, thing towards strengthening her frontier. As to for exciting insurrections in all countries ; a decree the remaining parts of the Netherlands, which he known to be peculiarly pointed at Great Britain. supposed France might consent to surrender, he The whole proceeding of the French administra- went so far as to declare that England ought not tion was the most remote that could be imagined to permit the emperour to be repossessed of the from furnishing any indication of a pacific dis remainder of the ten Provinces, but that the people position : for at the very time in which it was should choose such a form of independent gopretended that the jacobins entertained those vernment as they liked. This proposition of boasted pacifick intentions, at the very time in Mr. Fox was just the arrangement which the which Mr. Fox was urging a treaty with them, usurpation in France had all along proposed to not content with refusing a modification of the make. As the circumstances were at that time, decree for insurrections, they published their and have been ever since, his proposition fully indiever memorable decree of the 15th of December, cated at government the Flemings must have 1792, for disorganizing every country in Europe, in the stated extent of what was left to them. A into which they should on any occasion set their government so set up in the Netherlands, whether foot ; and on the 25th and 30th of the same compulsory, or by the choice of the sans-culottes, month, they solemnly, and, on the last of these (who he well knew were to be the real electors, days, practically, confirmed that decree.

and the sole electors,) in whatever name it was to 23. But Mr. Fox had himself taken good care exist, must evidently depend for its existence, as in the negociation he proposed, that France should it has done for its original formation, on France. not be obliged to make any very great concessions in reality, it must have ended in that point, to to her presumed moderation—for he had laid which, piece by piece, the French were then down one general, comprehensive rule, with him actually bringing all the Netherlands ; that is, (as he said) constant and inviolable. This rule, an incorporation with France, as a body of new in fact, would not only have left to the faction in departments, just as Savoy and Liege, and the France all the property and power they had rest of their pretended independent popular soveusurped at home, but most, if not all, of the con- reignties, have been united to their republick. quests, which, by their atrocious perfidy and vio- Such an arrangement must have destroyed Austria; lence, they had made abroad. The principle laid it must have left Holland always at the mercy of France; it must totally and for ever cut off all | lated to inflame the manufacturers throughout the political communication between England and the kingdom. continent. Such must have been the situation of 27. In support of his motion, he declaimed in Europe, according to Mr. Fox's system of politicks, the most virulent strain, even beyond any of his however laudable his personal motives may have former invectives, against every power with whom been in proposing so complete a change in the we were then, and are now, acting against France. whole system of Great Britain, with regard to all In the moral forum, some of these powers certainly the continental powers.

deserve all the ill he said of them ; but the political 24. After it had been generally supposed that effect aimed at, evidently was to turn our indigall publick business was over for the session, and nation from France, with whom we were at war, that Mr. Fox had exhausted all the modes of press- upon Russia, or Prussia, or Austria, or Sardinia, or ing this French scheme, he thought proper to all of them together. In consequence of his knowtake a step beyond every expectation, and which ledge that we could not effectually do without demonstrated his wonderful eagerness and perse-them, and his resolution that we should not act verance in his cause, as well as the nature and true with them, he proposed, that having, as he asserted, character of the cause itself. This step was taken “ obtained the only avowed object of the war, (the by Mr. Fox immediately after liis giving his assent “ evacuation of Holland,) we ought to conclude an to the grant of supply voted to him by Mr. Ser

“ instant peace.” jeant Adair and a committee of gentlemen, who 28. Mr. Fox could not be ignorant of the misassumed to themselves to act in the name of the taken basis upon which his motion was grounded. publick. In the instrument of his acceptance of He was not ignorant, that, though the attempt of this grant, Mr. Fox took occasion to assure them, Dumourier on Holland, (so very near succeeding,) that he would always persevere in the same con- and the navigation of the Scheld, (a part of the duct which had procured to him so honourable a same piece,) were among the immediate causes, they mark of the publick approbation. He was as good were by no means the only causes alleged for as his word.

parliament's taking that offence at the proceedings 25. It was not long before an opportunity was of France, for which the jacobins were so prompt found, or made, for proving the sincerity of his in declaring war upon this kingdom. Other full professions, and demonstrating his gratitude to as weighty causes had been alleged : They were, those who have given publick and unequivocal 1. The general overbearing and desperate ambition marks of their approbation of his late conduct. of that faction. 2. Their actual attacks on every One of the most virulent of the jacobin faction, nation in Europe. 3. Their usurpation of terriMr. Gurney, a banker of Norwich, had all along tories in the empire with the governments of distinguished himself by his French politicks. By which they had no pretence of quarrel. 4. Their the means of this gentleman, and of his associates perpetual and irrevocable consolidation with their of the same description, one of the most insidious own dominions of every territory of the Netherand dangerous hand-bills that ever was seen had lands, of Germany, and of Italy, of which they been circulated at Norwich against the war, drawn got a temporary possession. 5. The mischiefs up in an hypocritical tone of compassion for the attending the prevalence of their system, which poor. This address to the populace of Norwich would make the success of their ambitious designs was to play in concert with an address to Mr. Fox ; a new and peculiar species of calamity in the it was signed by Mr. Gurney and the higher part world. 6. Their formal, publick decrees, particu- · of the French fraternity in that town. In this pa- | larly those of the 19th of November, and 15th per Mr. Fox is applauded for his conduct through- and 25th of December. 7. Their notorious atout the session, and requested, before the proro-tempts to undermine the constitution of this coungation, to make a motion for an immediate peace try.' 8. Their publick reception of deputations of with France.

traitors for that direct purpose. 9. Their murder 26. Mr. Fox did not revoke to this suit : he of their sovereign, declared by most of the memreadily and thankfully undertook the task assigned bers of the convention, who spoke with their vote to him. Not content, however, with merely fall- (without a disavowal from any) to be perpetrated, ing in with their wishes, he proposed a task on his as an example to all kings, and a precedent for all part to the gentlemen of Norwich, which was, subjects to follow. All these, and not the Scheld that they should move the people without doors alone, or the invasion of Holland, were urged to petition against the war. He said, that, with by the minister, and by Mr. Windham, by myself, out such assistance, little good could be ex- and by others who spoke in those debates, as causes pected from any thing he might attempt within for bringing France to a sense of her wrong in the the walls of the house of commons.

In the war which she declared against us. Mr. Fox well mean time, to animate his Norwich friends in knew, that not one man argued for the necessity their endeavours to besiege parliament, he snatch- of a vigorous resistance to France, who did not ed the first opportunity to give notice of a mo- state the war as being for the very existence of the tion, which he very soon after made, namely, to social order here, and in every part of Europe ; address the Crown to make peace with France. who did not state his opinion, that this war was The address was so worded as to co-operate with not at all a foreign war of empire, but as much for the handbill in bringing forward matter calcu- our liberties, properties, laws, and religion, and

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