* "Whilst matters of the greatest magni- themselves, that as things had appeared so tude were transacting in America, an unex- very frequently at the verge of a rupture, withampled supineness with regard to public af- out actually arriving at it, that now, as forfairs, prevailed among the great body of the merly, some means would be found for accompeople at home. The English nation, which modating this dispute. At worst it was conused to feel so tremblingly alive, upon every ceived, that the Americans would themselves contest that arose between the remotest powers grow tired. And as an opinion was circulated in Europe, and to interest itself so much in the with some industry and success, that a counteissue, as scarcely to be with-held from be-nance of resolution, if persevered in for some coming a party wherever justice or friendship pointed out the way, by a strange reverse of temper, seemed, at this time, much more indifferent to matters, in which were involved its own immediate and dearest interests. Even the great commercial and manufacturing bodies, who must be the first to feel, and the last to lament any sinister events in the colonies, and who are generally remarkable for a quick foresight and provident sagacity in whatever regards their interest, seemed now to be sunk in the same carelessness and inattention with the rest of the people.

"Several causes concurred to produce this apparent indifference. The colony contests were no longer new. From the year 1765, they had, with but few, and those short intermissions, engaged the attention of parliament. Most of the topics on the subject were exhausted, and the vehement passions which accompanied them had subsided. The non-importation agreement, (by divisions within the colonies, which, if not caused, were much forwarded by the concessions with regard to several of the taxes laid in 1767) bad broken up, before it had produced any serious consequences. Most people therefore flattered [VOL. XVIII.]

time, would certainly put an end to the contest, which (it was said) had been nourished wholly by former concessions, people were in general inclined to leave the trial of the effects of perseverance and resolution, to a ministry who valued themselves on those qualities. The court had also with great tenaciousness adhered to this system for some years. It frequently got the better, not only of the regular opposition, but of parties in the ministry itself, who were from time to time inclined to relax either from fear, weariness, or change of opinion. All these things had hitherto indisposed the body of the nation from taking part in the sanguine manner they had hitherto done on other subjects, and formerly on this.

"From these causes, administration being totally disengaged at home, was at full leisure to prosecute the measures which it had designed against America, or to adopt such new ones, as the opposition there rendered necessary towards carrying the new laws into execution. The times indeed were highly favourable to any purpose, which only required the concurrence of that parliament, and the acquiescence of the people.

"Notwithstanding these favourable circum[B]

is his Majesty's pleasure, that you, gen tlemen of the House of Commons, do im mediately repair to the place where the Commons usually sit, and there chuse a fit person to be your Speaker; and tha you present such person, who shall be sc

"My Lords, and Gentlemen ; "His Majesty has been pleased to command me to acquaint you, that he will defer declaring the causes of calling this parliament till there shall be a Speaker of the House of Commons; and therefore, it stances on the one side, and that general indifference which prevailed on the other, it was not totally forgotten by either, that the time for a General Election was approaching, and that the parliament had but one session more to complete its allotted term. In some fewfying applications for the future. places, where the popular spirit ran high, tests were already proposed to be signed by their future candidates, previous to their receiving any assurance, or promise of support from the electors. At a meeting of the freeholders of the county of Middlesex, a test was proposed to Mr. Wilkes and serjeant Glynne, and by them signed, in which they engaged their utmost endeavours to promote Bills for shortening the duration of parliaments, for the exclusion of placemen and pensioners from the House of Commons; for a more fair and equal representation of the people; for vindicating the injured rights of the freeholders of that county, and through them of all the electors in the kingdom; for procuring a repeal of the four late American Acts, viz. That for the province of Quebec, and the three which affected the town of Boston, and the province of Massachuset's Bay; besides binding themselves, so far as in them lay, to restore and defend that excellent form of government, which had been modelled and established at the Revolution.

only to demand a large sum of money for the discharge of the standing debt, but also that a requisition would be made, for such a considerable and certain yearly addition to the civil list revenues, as would prevent all such morti

"Tests, upon much the same principles, were proposed in London and some other places; and it is still the opinion of some of those, who were sanguine in that mode of proceeding, that the apprehension of its becoming general, influenced the subsequent conduct of administration to the dissolution of parliament. This opiniou, however, seems ill-founded. There was no reason then to expect, nor is there now to imagine, that the mode of subscribing to tests would have become general, or even extensive. The influence of administration, in a great number of the boroughs, and in many of the counties, is at all times too well known to be called in question; and the principal and most celebrated leaders in opposition totally disclaimed all tests whatever, as unworthy of themselves, derogatory of their character as senators, and restrictive of their rights as

men.

"Other more probable causes must be sought, for the measure of dissolving the parliament. The civil list was again become deeply in debt, and the distresses of the lower part of the houshold, from the withholding of their wages, were become so notorious, and so much spoken of, that it seemed disgraceful to the nation, as well as grievous to the sovereign. It was therefore thought, and probably rightly, that it was intended, in the ensuing session, not

"Though no doubt could be entertained of the good will and compliance of the then parliament, it was, perhaps, not thought prudent, to load them with so disagreeable a task, at the eve of a general election. Recent experience had shewn, that this was a subject which would excite much general discussion; and that however a majority might, for their zeal to the ease of their sovereign, overlook all the difficulties that could be raised within doors, such a settlement, attended with the payment of a great present balance, and loaded with an entailed irredeemable future incumbrance, would not at all be satisfactory without. People are apt to be out of humour at the parting with their money, and an application for future trust and favour, in such a temper, would seem, at least, ill-timed. On the other hand, such a measure would be nothing in the hands of a new parliament, and would be worn out of memory, or become only an historical reference, at the time of their natural demise. The sinister events which have since taken place have, however, hitherto prevented the making of any requisition of this nature.

That

"Another motive may, perhaps, be supposed, for the measure of dissolution. parliament had already passed the most hostile laws against America; and as they could not, with so good a grace, rescind their own acts, the minister was, in some degree, tied down to á perseverance in the support of those measures on which they were founded; whereas, in a new House of Commons, he would be somewhat at large in chusing or altering his line of conduct, as circumstances varied, and they, if necessary, might throw all the odium of those laws upon their predecessors.

"It may also be supposed, that as the issue of the American measures became every day more precarious, it was thought a right measure to have the elections over, before any unfortunate event could change the temper, or irritate the minds of the people. If this should coincide with the time of a general election, there was no doubt but the opposition must carry every thing before it. This, in all likelihood, was the strongest and most prevalent motive to this resolution, though the others might have had their share. And it may be safely concluded, that a saving to the friends of government, by curtailing the time for contest and expence, particularly in the counties,

chosen, to his Majesty here for his royal approbation to-morrow, at two of the clock."

Then his Majesty was pleased to retire: and the Commons withdrew.

List of the House of Commons.] The following is a List of the Members of the House of Commons:

was not at all overlooked upon this occasion. Indeed, the opposition complained that they did not receive fair play; that some places were lost by surprize; and, they said, that those in the secret had infinite advantages, by setting out betimes for the scene of action, and taking the necessary measures to strengthen their interest, before even a suspicion of the design was formed on the other side.

"However it was, very unexpectedly, and much to the surprize of the nation in general, (as it had not been a measure much practised of late years, no similar instance having occurred since the year 1746, and even that being an unique in the long reign of Geo. 2,) a proclamation was issued, on the 30th of September, for the dissolution of the parliament, and the calling of a new one, the writs for which were made returnable on the 29th day of the following November. Notwithstanding the surprize, and shortness of the time, some of the elections were contested with extraordinary perseverance and ardour.

"In London, the popular party carried every thing before them, and returned all the members. Mr. Wilkes was again elected to represent the county of Middlesex, without a shadow of opposition from the court, and lord mayor of that city for the ensuing year; and there was no doubt that the court party, grown somewhat wiser by long and bitter experience, would no longer controvert his seat. The dispute, concerning that single seat, had produced to them more troubles, vexation, and disgraces, than the contest with the twelve united colonies of America. It would have been an imprudence, of the grossest kind, to mix these disputes in the present crisis; and thus, after near 14 years struggle, it was thought the best way to leave him master of the field.

"It was said, by some of those who are curious in attending to such observations, that notwithstanding the surprize, and the shortness of the time, a greater number of the old members were thrown out than was common at general elections. However the fact might be, those who were the best acquainted with men and things, did not augur any change of system from this circumstance. The court, notwithstanding all the ill success of all the measures from which the best success was so confidently expected, seemed firmly resolved to persevere in the same course. It is said, that private advices from America encouraged them to set a light value on the public appearances." Annual Register,

A LIST OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS IN THE FOURTEENTH PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN, WHICH MET AT WESTMINSTER, Nov. 29, 1774. BEDFORDSHIRE. John earl of Upper Ossory.-

Robert Henley Ongley; created lord Ongley in Ireland, September 2, 1776. Bedford. Sir William Wake.--Robert Sparrow; not duly elected.---Samuel Whitbread; duly elected, and ought to' have been returned.

BERKSHIRE. Christopher Griffith; died, and the Speaker issued his warrant to the clerk of the crown for a new writ, Ja nuary 14, 1776.--Win. Henry Hartley. --John Elwes.

Windsor. Augustus Keppel.--John Mon-
tagu.
Reading.
Dodd.
Wallingford. Sir Robert Barker; bri-
gadier general in the East India Com-
pany's service.--John Cator.

Francis Annesley.-----John

Abingdon. John Mayor; the committee that tried this election found it a void election; and a new writ ordered, March 6, 1775.--John Mayor.

BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.

Ralph earl Verney.--George Grenville; a teller of the Exchequer, and nephew and heir to earl Temple, to whose title and estate he' succeeded, and the Speaker issued his warrant to the clerk of the crown for a new writ, October 9, 1779.--Thomas Grenville; an ensign in the foot guards, and brother to earl Temple. Buckingham. James Grenville, jun.-Richard Grenville; has a company in the foot guards. Chipping Wycombe.

Thomas Fitzmau

rice; brother to the earl of Shelburne, --Robert Waller.

Aylesbury. Anthony Bacon.--John Au-
brey; eldest son of sir Thomas Aubrey,
bart.

Agmondesham, William Drake, sen.---
William Drake, jun.

Wendover, Joseph Bullock; made stew-
ard of the manor of East Hendred in
the county of Berks; a new writ or-
dered, 1775.--Thomas Dummer.--John
Adams; made his election for the bo-
rough of Caermarthen; a new writ
ordered, December 20, 1774.--Henry
Drummond; a banker in Westminster.
Great Marlow. William Clayton.--John
Borlace Warren; created a baronet,
May 20, 1775; made a master and
commander, and afterwards a post cap-
tain in the royal navy.