ness reserves to himself, on his side, the serve on the sea; and they shall enjoy in all liberty of recalling his troops at the end of things, without any restriction whatsoever, four years, if they are not sent back be- the same pay and emoluments as are enfore, or to agree with his Britannic Ma-joyed by the English troops. jesty at the end of that time for another term.

VII. With regard to the pay and treatment, as well ordinary as extraordinary, of the said troops, they shall be put on the same foot in all respects with the national British troops, and his Majesty's department of war shall deliver, without delay, to that of his most serene highness, an exact and faithful state of the pay and treatment enjoyed by those troops; which pay and treatment, in consideration that his most serene highness could not put this corps in a condition to march in so short a time, without extraordinary expences, shall commence for the first division on the 1st day of February, and for the second seven days before it shall begin to march, and shall be paid into the military chest of Hesse, without any abatement or deduction, to be distributed according to the arrangements which shall be made for that purpose; and the sum of 20,000l. sterling shall be advanced immediately on account of the said pay.

X. In case the most serene landgrave should be attacked or disturbed in the possession of his dominions, his Britannic Majesty promises and engages to give him all the succour that it shall be in his power to afford, which succour shall be continued to him until he shall have obtained an entire security and just indemnification: as the most serene landgrave promises likewise, on his part, that in case his Majesty, the king of Great Britain, is attacked or disturbed in his kingdoms, dominions, lands, provinces, or towns, he will give him in like manner all the succour that it shall be in his power to afford, which succour shall likewise be continued to him until he shall have obtained a good and advantageous peace.

XI. In order to render this alliance and union the more perfect, and to leave no doubt with the parties about the certainty of the succour, which they have to expect by virtue of this Treaty, it is expressly agreed, That to judge for the future, whether the case of this alliance, and the stipulated succour, exists, or not, it shall suffice, that either of the parties is actually attacked by force of arms, without his having first used open force against him who attacks him.

corps

VIII. If it should happen, unfortunately, that any regiment or company of the said corps, should be ruined or destroyed, either by accidents on the sea, or otherwise, in the whole, or in part, or that the pieces of artillery, or other effects, with XII. The sick of the Hessian corps which they shall be provided, should be shall remain under the care of their phy taken by the enemy, or lost on the sea, his sicians, surgeons, and other persons, ap Majesty, the king of Great Britain, shall pointed for that purpose, under the orders cause to be paid the expences of the ne- of the general commanding the of cessary recruits, as well as the price of the that nation, and every thing shall be al said field pieces and effects, in order forth-lowed them that his Majesty allows to his with to reinstate the artillery, and the said regiments or companies; and the said recruits shall be settled likewise on the foot of those which were furnished to the Hessian officers, by virtue of the Treaty of 1702, Article 5th, to the end that the corps may be always preserved and sent back in as good a state as it was delivered in. The recruits annually necessary shall be sent to the English commissary, disciplined and completely equipped, at the place of embarkation, at such time as his Britannic Majesty shall appoint.

IX. In Europe his Majesty shall make use of this body of troops by land, whereever he shall judge proper; but North America is the only country of the other parts of the globe where this body of troops shall be employed. They shall not

own troops.

XIII. All the Hessian deserters shall be

faithfully given up, wherever they shall be discovered, in the places dependant on his Britannic Majesty, and. above all, as far as it is possible, no person whatever of that nation shall be permitted to establish him self in America without the consent of his sovereign.

XIV. All the transports for the troops, as well for the men as for the effects, shall be at the expence of his Britannic Majes ty; and none belonging to the said corps shall pay any postage of letters in consideration of the distance of the places.

XV. The Treaty shall be ratified by the high contracting parties, and the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged as soon as possible.

lower terms than was ever known before, especially if the business should be effected within the year, of which he had no reason to doubt.

princes who can sell their subjects for such purposes. We have read of the humourist Sancho's wish; that, if he were a prince, all his subjects should be black-amoors, as he could by the sale of them easily turn them into ready-money; but that wish, however it might appear ridiculous, and unbecoming a sovereign, is much more innocent than a prince's availing himself of his vassals for the purpose of sacrificing them in such destructive wars, where he has the additional crime of making them destroy much better and nobler beings than themselves.-As to the defensive part of the treaty, which is looked upon as of no consequence, on supposition that we shall never be called upon to fulfil it; I beg leave to insist on the contrary position: for the emperor may not only shew his resentment of this proceeding of his vassals, by a military execution in their territories, but may thereby give them a right to call upon us for that indemnification in money, which is the

Lord Irnham. I am to ask your pardon for appearing so solicitous to give you my sentiments, just at this period of time, but it is to answer the hon. gentleman of the Treasury bench, who is, I know, a perfect master of the German affairs, and to submit to him, in this stage of the business, my doubts as to the competency of the landgrave of Hesse, and the duke of Brunswick, to make such treaties as are now under our consideration. That gentleman knows, that before the peace of Westphalia, the feudatories of the empire had no confirmed legal right to engage, without leave of the emperor, in offensive and defensive alliances with foreign princes, which might require sending troops out of the empire. But the weakness of the House of Austria, and the dread of the Swedish arms, obtained, after a long discussion, that extraordinary privilege, on the pre-only means in our power for making them tence of the interest of religion, and the inability of the head of the empire, from being often engaged in war with the Turks, to defend the frontiers, which made such a concession beneficial to the empire; alBways presuming, that the troops of those princes so contracting, should, in case of the empire being attacked, return to its defence, as the allegiance of those princes to the emperor and empire of Germany, by the nature of their feudal tenure, especially required. Now, Sir, if this is the true state of the privilege those princes now enjoy, can it be fairly inferred from thence, that they can, merely for lucre and pecuniary considerations, transport their vassals to the East or West Indies, nine parts in ten of whom will hardly ever Mr. Seymour compared the present with return; and thus, by depopulating their the treaties with German and other princes, territories, deprive their lord paramount whom we had formerly subsidized, and deof the succour which he has a right to ex-fied Mr. Cornwall, to produce a single inpect from them, and of the advantage stance, in which the same number of men, which an inhabited and settled territory within the same time, had cost the nation affords, in comparison of one stript of so much money. all the men able to bear arms; to support a cause in no shape whatever connected with the empire, and which must render it vile and dishonourable in the eyes of all Europe, as a nursery of men reserved for the purposes of supporting arbitrary power, whenever grasped at by those who have more money, though not more justice and virtue, than the others whom they can pay for oppressing. I shall say little to the feelings of those [VOL. XVIII.]

amends, and to which we are by these treaties bound. Besides, the king of Prussia, who is at their door, will infallibly seize this opportunity of making us pay the 600,000l. which he pretends we wronged him of at the close of the last war. It will therefore be very proper for administration, and much more for the House, to consider that it would be a great addition to the expence, which, from the complexion of the House, I am afraid we are going to incur, by approving of those treaties now under consideration, which treaties I look upon as highly inexpedient, and dishonourable to the nation; and to which therefore, I shall give every opposition in my power.

Mr. Hartley. In the course of our debates upon American measures, I frequently hear the terms of rebellion and rebels made use of, which I shall never adopt: not only because I would avoid every term of acrimony which might increase the ill-blood between us and our fellow subjects, in America, but likewise, thinking as I do, that the ministry of this country have been in every stage the aggressors; I never will, as a Whig of Re[4 F]

before last midsummer, a body of 50,000 men in arms. This prediction was at that time treated by the House with laughter, yet it has proved but too true. What confidence can we then have in ministers who are so grossly ignorant and deceived, or, who conceal the true state of things from this House and the public, perhaps with no better view than to trepan them insidi ously, and by gradual steps, into the support of their own desperate and sanguinary designs? The public revenue being a sub

volution principles, confound terms so fundamentally the reverse to each other, as defensive resistance in the support of constitutional rights, with unprovoked and active treason. The colonies have been condemned unheard. If you would have condescended to have heard their petition, you would have found that all they requested has been to be restored to the happy state of harmony, and constitutional dependence existing in 1763. Those ministers who have so madly driven them on to unavoidable resistance, must be answer-ject, upon which I have at times bestowed able to their country for all future conse- some pains, and upon which I sometimes quences. I wish to enter my protest troubled you, I am sure this House will do once for all, that I shall always think me the justice to recollect, that I have inthat our American fellow subjects have cessantly remonstrated against the enor been driven to resistance in their own mity of the expence which these measures defence, and in support of those very would entail even to the hazard of public claims which we ourselves have success- bankruptcy, if foreign war should overtake fully taken up arms in former times, to us upon the heels of this civil contest. rescue us from the violence and tyrannical The ministry have, for a time, smothered pretensions of the House of Stuart. these mischiefs; they have kept all matThese rights are the giving and granting ters of expence out of sight, and endea freely our own property, and the security voured to lull the public to inattention, by of charters. Let us do to them as we have conveying to them that very little matters done for ourselves, and it is all that they would do. No such words as taxing and ask. I am convinced that the nation will funding have even been whispered; but some day or other see the justice of their taxing and funding must come, and that cause, when the anger of the present un- soon too. You cannot do this very year fortunate disputes is a little abated, and without. I have again and again stated to when many misrepresentations, which are this House, and to the noble lord, that the studiously circulated by ministry, are debts and expences incurred, and such as cleared away. Therefore, Sir, for the pre- will be incurred in this very year's cam sent I will suspend this part of the argu-paign, cannot come to a less sum than ten ment, and confine my objections to this millions. The army extraordinaries, and measure of the foreign troops; to the im- navy debt incurred in the last year, must policy and impracticability of the mea- be enormous; those which will farther be sures; being always understood that I incurred in the present year, must be im have entered my protest against their in- mense. Let the noble lord deal ingenujustice. Sir, the public have been artfully ously with the public, and inform the and imperceptibly led into these measures. House what expences he is providing for We were told, at first, that the discontents them. Does he intend to lay any new were only adopted by a few factious per- tax this year? Does he pay off any of the sons in America, that the body of the peo- navy debt? Does he intend to propose the ple were totally averse to these measures payment of the civil list with an augmenta of resistance, and that a very little exer- tion to the establishment of it? What will tion from this country, and a very incon- the noble lord state as the probable exsiderable expence, would restore the pub-pence of the intended campaign? Let the lic tranquillity. Many of us on this side of the House have from time to time, endeavoured to uncover these fallacies, having too truly foreseen and foretold the endless ill consequences of the ministerial plans in America. I myself told you, Sir, in this very place, not many months ago, from very certain information, that America would not only not recede upon the articles of arbitrary taxation and surrender of charters, but that they would turn out,

country gentlemen know what endless expences they are to encounter. There are some gentlemen who have professed, that they enter into this war to obtain a revenue from America, but still not at all price. Gold may be bought too dear: if they are to pay a hundred years purchase for the possibility of a revenue from America, who would give that price even for a certainty? But it is contended that all this armament is only a mode of making peace with dig