to oppose the increased expence, and seem ed resolved to find fault in either event. He said he should not be surprised to hear them find fault with the war itself, but he confessed he was astonished to hear them condemn the most effectual mode of ob taining the objects for which only it was set on foot, that of compelling America to return to a state of obedience. They might indeed controvert the justice d the war, but he could not possibly con ceive how they could oppose those who were already convinced of its justice, con trary to their own express sentiments, de clared in parliament. Among the rest, he expressed his astonishment at what had fallen from colonel Barré, who had con demned the war as impolitic, ruinous, and unjust, when he recollected, that that very gentleman had both spoken and voted for the Boston Port Bill, which was the basis of the present civil war.

a paltry trifling revenue was beneath the Mr. Rigby observed, that in the begin dignity and wise consideration of a British ing of the session opposition objected, parliament. Again, the dispute only re- that the military estimates were too low, fated to the destruction of the tea at Bos- and not adequate to the purposes of abso ton; neither the revenue nor supremacy lute coercion, yet now that defect was at made any part of the controversy. Attempted to be remedied, they were ready the beginning of the session not a single foreigner was intended to be employed; now, nothing was to be effected without the aid of foreign mercenaries; but if necessity should compel us to employ foreigners, it was only because they could be procured upon cheaper terms. The necessity is arrived; but the pretence of cheapness is at once abandoned; for it turns out, that for every 1,000 foreigners we have taken into our service, we shall pay as much as for 1,500 natives. If his lordship was charged with being the promoter of those measures, the fact was denied, he only co-operated with the rest of the King's servants; if they were attributed to any other set of men, he instantly put in his claim to the whole merit. If he was reproached with versatility of sentiment, or contrariety of opinion, he laughed at his opponents, and turned the whole into a mere matter of ridicule. So that, on the whole, supremacy or no supremacy, revenue or revenue, foreigners or natives, cheapness or dearness, responsibility or no responsibility, his lordship seemed to regard very little, the whole was made to end in a joke; promises, reasons, and arguments, were made to yield to ministerial pleasantry and good-humour; the House was made merry, a laugh was created, and the mere grumblers were, as they deserved, turned into ridicule and contempt.

no

Mr. Stanhope condemned the measures pursued by administration, as leading to consequences of a most serious and alarming nature. The means proposed to carry them into execution, were not less exceptionable than the policy which gave birth to them; and if persisted in, must not only cause the entire loss of America, but subject us to burdens we should never be able to bear.

Colonel Barré owned the charge; but he contended, it proceeded from misinfor mation; for the minister had given the most explicit assurances that the merchants of Boston had desired such a Bill; and that the people of the Massachuset's Bay would, as soon as it was passed, immediately return to their duty. Expe rience, however, had taught him what de gree of credit any official or ministerial information deserved.

Mr. Alderman Bull. I cannot, Sir, for bear to express my astonishment and concern, that early in the present session so many gentlemen should have been prevailed upon, by any considerations, to stand forth in the most serious and solemn manner, to approve and sanctify those ar bitrary measures which were recommended and have been fatally carried into execu tion, by an unrelenting administration, who have dared to abuse the throne by Sir George Savile entered into several their sanguinary councils, and whose whole comparative computations, relative to the conduct has proved them destitute of terms of the present treaties; and shewed, every principle of justice, humanity, and that it was never known since the present the religion of their country. custom of hiring mercenary troops pre- satiable thirst for Protestant blood has vailed, that so disgraceful or dear a bar-been long evident; and it cries aloud to gain had been made, even when the total Heaven for vengeance, as well as for the disssolution of the established form of go- just indignation of a long abused, insulted, vernment had been threatened, and rebel- oppressed people. To exult in the delions had existed in the very bowels of the struction of our most valuable commercial kingdom. friends, and Protestant fellow-subjects; to

Their in

read,

Colonel Barré pointed out several objectionable passages in the Treaties. He desired to know, in the first instance, as the Treaty provided that the Hessian officers should have every emolument that natives are allowed, and to be put on a footing, in every respect, with our own tried veterans, whether the two-pences in the clothing to the colonels, was meant to be included, and likewise where the clothing was to be procured, whether in Germany or in Britain? He was very jo cular on this species of military profit; and said, he did not doubt but this sale of human blood would turn out as advantageous to the woollen manufactures of Brunswick and Hesse, in the clothing branch, as it was already likely to become lucrative to their respective sovereigns. He observed, that the Treaty might probably continue in force for four years, for it was difficult to fix the period on many accounts, which he forbore now to mention; if then, by any accident arising from defeat, pestilence, or the danger of the seas, the Hessians should be reduced to 8,000 men, perhaps to half their number or less, in such a possible, nay probable event, he should be glad to be informed by the minister, of his trusty friend the minister of the war department, who now and then steals a peep into the cabinet, though he is never permitted within the hallowed door, whether the landgrave of Hesse, or duke of Brunswick, is to have the full pay, as if their respective quotas continued full and complete?

[1186 pray that the same horrid scenes may be March 4. Lord North moved, that the repeated; that war, desolation, and blood-resolutions of the committee of supply shed may pervade the whole continent of be reported. The first Resolution being America, unless it shall bow its devoted head to popery, to poverty, to the most abject and ignominious slavery, were not the fact on record, would be thought incredible. That record, Sir, to a nation professing a regard to liberty, and the rights of humanity, will remain an eternal monument of reproach.-Sir, is it probable, that the exertions of ministerial tyranny and revenge will be much longer permitted? that there will be no appeal to stop the further effusion of Protestant blood? Or can it be expected that the people of this country, reducing by thousands to beggary and want, will remain idle spectators till the sword is at their breasts, or dragoons at their doors? God forbid! I am not insensible how much professions of patriotism are become a subject of ridicule. To the astonishment of the world, the love of our country has been ridiculed within these walls. And yet, Sir, this shall not restrain me. While I will uniformly withhold the offer of my life and fortune in support of ministerial despotism, whenever an occasion may call for it, I will cheerfully sacrifice both in defence of the liberties of the people.-The war that you are now waging, is founded in oppression, and its end will be distress and disgrace. Let not the historian be obliged to say that the Russian and the German slave was hired to subdue the sons of Englishmen and of freedom; and that in the reign of a prince of the House of Brunswick, every infamous attempt was made to extinguish that spirit which brought his ancestors to the throne, and in spite of treachery and rebellion seated them firmly upon it. I shall not now trouble the House any further, than to declare my abhorrence of all the measures which have been adopted against America; Mr. J. Johnstone said, it was impossible measures equally inimical to the principles to deal with people who thus played at of commerce, the spirit of the constitu- cross-purposes; and though a young memtion, and to the honor, faith, and true dig-ber, he ventured to pronounce it to be the nity of the British nation.

At 2 o'clock the question being put, the House divided.

Lord Barrington could not answer that question till he had taken time to consider. The best time to answer it will be, when such a reduction actually happens.

first time such an answer was given in parliament. He remarked, it was no bad beginning the noble lord used to be pretty liberal of his promises; but so many of them had been lately either falsified or over-ruled, his lordship, he presumed, was determined, in future, to make only such as he was certain could neither be falsified nor contradicted; for his promise, if it could be at all called one, was such, that let the event be what it might, [4 G]

of Hanau, and which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to communicate to this House.

landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and the counting alliances, and hiring foreign troops, for their destruction, they may think they are well justified, by the example, in endeavouring to avail themselves of the like assistance, and that France, Spain, Prussia, or other powers of Europe, may conceive they have as good a right as Hesse, Brunswick, and Hanau, to interfere in our domestic quarrels; and if the flames of a war from these proceedings should be kindled in Europe, which we fear is too probable, we reflect, with horror, upon the condition of this country, under circumstances wherein she may be called upon to resist the formidable attack of powerful enemies, which may require the exertion of her whole force, at a time when the strength and flower of the nation is employed in fruitless expeditions on the other side of the world.

"We beg leave humbly to represent to your Majesty the sense we entertain of the danger and disgrace attending this inconsiderate measure, when it has been judged necessary, in the first exertions of Great Britain, to subjugate her colonies, to hire an army of foreign mercenaries, acknowledging to all Europe that these kingdoms are unable, either from want of men, or from disinclination to this service, to furnish a competent number of naturalborn subjects to make the first campaign. And it is a melancholy consideration, that the drawing off the national troops (though feeble for the unhappy purpose on which they are employed) will yet leave these kingdoms naked and exposed to the assault and invasion of powerful neighbour-only to give to the landgrave of Hesse, ing and rival nations.

"And we further beg leave humbly to submit to your Majesty, that if the justice and equity of this unnatural war was not questioned by so large a part of your Majesty's subjects, yet a reconciliation with the colonies, though attended with some concessions, would be more agreeable to sound policy, than to intrust the prosecution of hostilities to foreigners in whom we cannot confide, and who, when they are at so great a distance from their own country, and suffering under the distresses of a war wherein they have no interest or concern, and with so many temptations to exchange vassalage for freedom, will be more likely to mutiny or desert, than to unite faithfully, and co-operate with your Majesty's natural-born subjects. "We ought not to conceal from your Majesty the anxiety we feel on the latitude of the articles in the several treaties which stipulate the power in your Majesty, of employing these troops in any part of Europe. Means are hereby provided for introducing a foreign army even into this realm, and we cannot so far confide in your Majesty's ministers, as to suppose they would be very scrupulous in advising such a measure, since they have already introduced foreign troops into two of our strongest fortresses, and have offered to bring 4,000 more foreigners into the kingdom of Ireland, without the consent of the British parliament.

"That we have moreover just reason to apprehend, that when the colonies come to understand that Great Britain is form

"That the Treaty, by stipulating not

in case of attack or disturbance in the possession of his territories, all the succour which shall be in your Majesty's power to give, but likewise to continue such succour until the landgrave shall have obtained entire security, and a just indemnification, lays this kingdom under a necessity of taking part in every quarrel upon the continent in which his serene highness may happen to be engaged, and that without any equivalent consideration to make the contract reciprocal, as this island can expect no assistance in any of her wars, from an inconsiderable sovereignty in the heart of Germany, from which more troops are already drawn than she is able to replace for her own defence, and whose revenues are not sufficient to maintain even those she has lent, without the aid of subsidy. We conceive, therefore, that this engagement of Great Britain to defend and indemnify, must be considered as part of the price she is to pay for the hire of these troops. If this article of charges (which cannot be estimated) be added to the enormous expences of levy money, charges of making good the losses of the several corps, ordinary and extraordinary subsidies, and their continuation after the troops are returned to their respective countries, and can be of no use to Great Britain, we may say, with truth, that Great Britain never before entered into a treaty so expensive, so unequal, so dishonourable, and so dangerous in its consequences.

"We therefore humbly implore your Majesty to give immediate orders for

Stopping the march of the Hessian, Bruns- | wick, and Hanau troops, and for a suspension of hostilities in America, in order to lay the foundation of a speedy and permanent reconciliation between the great contending parts of this distracted empire." The Address being read,

Hesse, beginning with that made in 1702, and ending with those several explanations and modifications of that made at the commencement of the late war, and down so late as 1761, when his serene highness was indemnified for the losses sustained in his landgraviate, by that country being frequently made by the enemy the seat of war. In this historical detail his grace shewed, that the successive landgraves, from time to time, rose in their demands, and still as they continued to extort better terms, they never failed to establish the former extortion as a precedent for the basis of the succeeding treaty, always taking care to make some new demand on this country. This he insisted was the case of the present. The preceding treaty to a subsidy added its continuance to a certain period. The one now under consideration doubled the subsidy. His grace then entered into several computations on the different heads of pay, levy money, subsidy, victualling and transport service for the troops, which he af

The Duke of Richmond again rose, and apologised for the trouble he was going to give their lordships. He expressed a consciousness of his own inability, and wish that others more equal to the task, had stood forward at this tremendous crisis; a crisis which he feared would decide the fate of this great empire for ever. He lamented the absence of the marquis of Rockingham and the earl of Chatham. The latter, when this nation was on the brink of destruction, rescued it from impending ruin; and not resting there, gave a lustre to our arms, and an efficacy and steadiness to our councils, never before known in the annals of this country. The other of them, a noble marquis (of Rockingham) who in a season of public distraction presided at the head of the na-firmed would amount to 1,169,000l. and tional councils, with honour to himself, and satisfaction to the nation; and, though his administration was but of short continuance, had the good fortune to quit his station with a consciousness of having healed those unhappy disputes, which threatened the empire with the most serious and alarming consequences; but which have since broke out with redoubled malignity. He was aware, how much he should feel the absence of the two noble lords, in prosecuting the business of this day; but however unequal to the attempt himself, he deemed it a part of his duty, and he should, in discharge of that duty, abandon every collateral consideration whatever; and do what he could, instead of effecting what he might wish.

The justice of the American war, the rights of the mother country, and the claims of America, had been so frequently and so amply discussed, that he should avoid, as much as possible, every fact and argument that could possibly tend to introduce those subjects into the present debate. He should endeavour to confine himself to the terms of his motion respecting the treaties, and only advert to such parts of the conduct of administration, and the means hitherto adopted in the prosecution of the war, as directly applied to them. The first ground he took was, giving a short history of the several treaties entered into with the landgrave of

Those

that this, with transport service for the victuallers, would make 1,230,000l. and if the other articles under the head of contingencies, &c. were included, the expence of which could not be now ascertained, he had little doubt that the whole would be full one million and a half. He contended that this was a most enormous sum for the assistance of only 17,300 men. matters, however serious in the present miserable state of our finances, were not what pressed so forcibly on his mind. It was the tenor of the treaties, the ambiguous terms they were worded in some places, the dangerous precedents they established or glided in, that principally gave rise to his fears. He observed, with grief and jealousy, that an over-ruling influence had for some years pervaded our councils; that this influence had been exercised in effecting measures of a most dangerous and dark complexion; that it sometimes made its approaches by stealth, at other times rendered itself visible in open day, and proceeded to acts of violence. Hanoverians had been brought into the domi nions of the British crown, without consent of parliament. An attempt was made to introduce a body of foreigners into Ire land, which miscarried. He understood that the same attempt would be repeated, though he did not pretend to authenticate it as a matter of fact. And if any doubt remained, the present treaties afforded