Mr. Core was strong against the resolution, and severe against the authors of so weak, cruel, and unnatural a measure.

Mr. T. Townshend insisted, that nearly half the number of men and all the officers now wanted, might be taken from the halfpay and Chelsea out-pension lists, without putting the nation to the heavy expence now proposed. He said, that there were 16,000 out-pensioners, many of whom were fit for actual service; and if they were not, they were at least fit to supply the places of the drafts that might be sent to complete the regiments now at Boston; that many of them were young men ; and, on the whole, contended that the greatest part of the expence now proposed might be saved, as the difference of pay between the pensioners and those doing duty was not above a penny a day.

Colonel Barré reminded lord North of what had fallen from him on a former occasion, that we should want no new levies for enforcing measures against Boston, as with the regiments from Ireland, and the troops quartered in America, the force would be fully sufficient.

Lord North replied, that he did not recollect any such expression; that it must be a mistake, as the paper he now held in his hand, was the same he spoke from, when he was supposed to make use of the words now alluded to by the hon. gentleman.

The question being put, the Committee divided, Ayes 91, Noes 15.

Feb. 16. The Report of the Committee Feb. 16. The Report of the Committee was brought up.

Extract of a LETTER from the Hon. Governor Gage, to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, January 18, 1775. Received Feb. 20.

My lord; it was thought impossible that the phrenzy which had seized the people could be of very long duration, unless constantly supported by new events; and there were hopes if tranquillity could be for a time preserved, that people would have leisure for reflection and think seriously of their danger, though the leaders have taken pains to assure them that Great Britain would be deterred from pursuing her measures, through their resolute opposition to them, and the resolves of the continental congress. I find by accounts from several parts of the country, that those hopes were not without foundation, that the people's minds are greatly cooled, and many begin to want courts of justice, and that the friends of government have shewed themselves openly in many places. I conceive the press, which has been more open to government than usual, to have been of very great use, through which channel the conduct of the leaders has been laid open, and the absurdity of the resolves of the continental congress exposed in a masterly manner, which has served to lower that impression of high importance, which the congress had made upon people's minds.

I hoped to have procured an association of many considerable people in this town, but find them more shy of making open declarations, notwithstanding they are Mr. Hartley observed, that as we had protected, than people are in the country hitherto proceeded totally in the dark, and their friends for security. They give for where they depend only on themselves and determined on measures without sufficient previous information, so we were resolved excuse, that they must first know the reto continue to proceed in the same blind in this country, and that it's time to desolutions from home on all that has passed blundering manner. We first agreed to go to war, without enquiring into the mother country will not relax, but resolve to clare when they are assured that the motives that should induce us to take so momentous a step, and then consented to employ a certain number of forces, without being acquainted with the particular services for which they were destined. Sir G. Savile spoke much against the power vested in the commander in chief; and in the course of his observations made some very severe and pointed strictures on the Quebec Bill.

Lord Beauchamp warmly defended the justice and policy of the Quebec Bill.

February 20. Lord North presented the following

associate in the town, it's likely they will pursue her measures. If they begin to also fall on means to pay for the tea, for as they are mostly traders it would be very advantageous for them to have the port their commercial affairs. We hear from opened, in the present conjuncture of New Hampshire, that the people who were concerned in the rash action against

Fort William and Mary in that province

are terrified at what they have done, and only anxious to obtain pardon for their offence.

Debate in the Commons on Lord North's | positions are, which we are willing to acPropositions for conciliating the Differ- cept. To be explicit, then, as to my own ences with America.] Feb. 20. The opinion, I must say, that if the dispute in House being in a committee of the whole which the Americans have engaged goes House on the Papers respecting the Dis- to the whole of our authority, we can enter turbances in North America, into no negociation, we can meet no compromise. If it be only as to the suspension of the exercise of our right, or as to the mode of laying and raising taxes for a contribution towards the common defence, I think it would be just, it would be wise to meet any fair proposition, which may come in an authentic way from any pro vince or colony: and on this ground it is that I shall propose to the committee the following Resolution: "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the governor, council, and assembly, or general court, of any of his Majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make provision, according to the condition, circumstances, and situation, of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the general court, or general assembly, of such province or colony, and disposable by parliament) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the administration of justice, in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or to impose any farther duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or to impose for the regulation of commerce; the nett produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such province or colony respectively."

Lord North rose and said: Sir; as I mean to offer to the consideration of the Committee some propositions which may be the ground of a Resolution, and which I conceive to be founded on the Address which the House has presented to his Majesty, I desire that the said Address may be read. [The Address was read accordingly.] His lordship remarked, that the Address, both as it was proposed, and in the sense in which it was understood when agreed to, meant to hold out to the Americans, that on the matter of taxation, although the parliament of Great Britain could never give up the rights, although it must always maintain the doctrine that every part of the empire was bound to bear its share of service and burthen in the common defence; yet as to the matter of that right, and with respect to the mode of the contribution, if the end could be obtained, and if the Americans would propose any means and give assurance of the prosecution of those means by which they should contribute their share to the common defence he had said, he did not apprehend parliament would hesitate a mo ment to suspend the exercise of that right; but would concede to the Americans, raising their share of the contribution by themselves. This was the direct and avowed sense, in which the resolution for the Address was moved. I publicly, said his lordship, gave my opinion, and very explicitly said, that if the Americans would propose to parliament, any mode by which they would engage themselves to raise, in their own way, and by their own grants, their share of contribution to their common defence, the quarrel on the subject of taxation was at an end.

As nearly as I can recollect, these were my very words, but these, Sir, were the words only of a private member of parliament: they were but opinion given in debate. The words contained in the Address seem to many gentlemen to require this comment, this explanation, by parliament itself, in some clear, explicit and definitive opinion. That if the promise of indulgence on this point of taxation means really to hold out the grounds of peace, we ought to explain on what terms we will accede to it; and what the pro

This resolution, added his lordship, marks the ground on which negociation may take place. It is explicit, and defines the terms, and specifies the persons from whom the proposals must come, and to whom they must be made. It points out the end and purpose for which the contributions are to be given, and the persons from whom the grant of them is to originate. It takes away every ground of suspicion as to the appropriation of the revenue when raised, to purposes for which the Americans never would grant it. And from the nature of it is seen, that it must be conclusive so long as the Americans observe the agreement. But

many objections from various quarters, and on different grounds, will be made to it. If there be any persons who think we ought to make no advances towards accommodation, because they understand such to be concessions which we ought not to make-if there be any who may think the terms which this Resolution holds out are disadvantageous, I would not wish them to agree to it. But they will give me leave (who think, that even were we to impose terms in the hour of victory itself, this proposition would be a good, would be a just one) to propose it now, before any blood is shed. Some gentlemen may ask the question-will you treat with rebels? I am not treating with rebels. It has never been yet said, that all the Americans are rebels, or that all the colonies are in rebellion: it cannot, I hope, be said. There is certainly in the province of Massachuset a rebellion. But, Sir, could I open the door even to rebels to return to their duty, I should be happy. The specific rebellion of the Massachusets is, that the people of the province reject and oppose with force of arms, the government, as established by the King and parliament. The moment that they acknowledge that government, and meet in assembly to act under it, the rebellion is at an end. The propositions contained in the Resolution, form an express declaration, and do not begin a negociation.

meet us on this ground, it will evince that they have other views, and are actuated by other motives. It will have been wise, it will have been just, it will have been humane, that we have held out the terms of peace: if they reject it, their blood must be upon their own hearts. But I have better hopes: there are people, and I hope whole colonies, that wish for peace; and by these means, I hope they will find their way to it.

Governor Pownall. Sir; when in the last session of the last parliament, I marked to the House that the circumstances of the American affairs were brought to a crisis, and that that crisis was actually in event, wherein all opinion as to the modes of policy must be useless and at an end, and that your future deliberation would be only employed on measures of force, I took my leave of debate on this subject; I had imposed on myself a determined silence, and since I have had the honour of a seat in this parliament, have adhered invariably to that resolution.

I have been always an advocate for the colonies, and the British subjects in America. I have always defended their rights, where I thought any infraction was made on them. Where they have got into disputes on points where I could not think they were right, I have endeavoured to excuse or extenuate their fault; where I could not do that, I have yet at all times endeavoured to alleviate the resentment which may have been raised in this country against them. It would not, therefore, be suitable to the conduct which I have held, nor could I feel it proper for me to become their accuser and their persecutor, as some governors have done; much less could I ever bring myself to calumniate them.

Others perhaps will say, it is proper that parliament should bind itself: I answer, that whenever parliament confirms an agreement, it always does bind itself. Others will look to the effect; and ask what consequences do you expect from this? Will you in the mean time suspend your operations of force? Certainly not. I had early opportunity of seeing the The putting ourselves off our guard, is commencement of this business. I was certainly not the way to treat on safe at the congress held at Albany in 1754. grounds or with effect. The ground on I had the means of then knowing the real which we stand at present, is in all human opinions of some of the first men of busiprobability such as will enable us to en- ness and ability in that country. I saw force, what we have a right to demand; that a crisis of this nature was then taking and is therefore the most likely to claim its rise. I have in the course of my emattention, and to produce that effect by ployment in that country seen the propeace, which we are otherwise in a situa-gressive advance of it: the whole scope tion to procure by force of arms. Whether the Americans will accede to this or not, must depend on various circumstances that cannot be foreseen. If their outward pretensions be the real principles of the opposition which they have made, they must, consistently with those principles, agree to this proposition. If they do not [VOL. XVIII.]

therefore of my conduct whilst I was employed, and of every opinion which I have given, whenever I have been listened to, has been to advise such modes of policy, as might prevent matters coming to the point at which they are now arrived: but when I saw that such advice neither in this country nor in America was listened [Y]