Mr. Bayley gave the House an account | vested the power of appointing burgesses of the new charter granted to the borough in the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty, of Abingdon, about a month or two before whereas the new one restrained that the dissolution of the last parliament, and power to the mayor and aldermen only. which he said had brought as much dis- With this remarkable circumstance, that grace upon those who had any hand in was the very ground upon which the old granting it, as any of those charters could charter was vacated; yet was the very which were granted in the reign of Charles precise alteration adopted by the new 2, and he had not a doubt but there was charter. He instanced some other deviaas much a design now of altering the con- tions, relative to a deputy recorder, &c. stitution of this kingdom, (though per- He then entered into general observations haps by slower, but in a more certain de- on the charters granted to Hellstone, gree) as there was then; but he hoped in Abingdon, and Saltash; and treated the God such wicked and arbitrary designs principle which directed the several grants would be again frustrated. This new with severity. charter put it in the power of the corporation of Abingdon (which never consists of more than 27 persons) to return any member to parliament, they pleased, and every body knew how much easier it was for government to influence 27 persons than so populous a town as this was, being the metropolis of Berkshire, and indeed the corporate body of this town was well known to be governed by their recorder Mr. Morton, who, holding several places under the crown, made a merit of the service he had done it in advising the grant of this new charter. Governor Johnstone said, the immediate interference of the crown, independent of the official or judicial assistance and aid of those, whom the constitution had appointed to advise it, in all matters of this kind, had a very disagreeable aspect; that the principle itself was alarming; but it became much more so, when exercised just at the eve of a general election, because, what otherwise, though in itself wrong, might seem to be the effect of mere chance operating by incidental circumstances, now took the strongest appearance of a systematic design to answer election purposes. He said that the House ought to remember, that if sir Robert Sawyer was a learned man, he was also a very wicked man; that he was the avowed and willing instrument of arbitrary power, and that the more learned he was allowed, there was the more occasion to suspect him. He said he was glad to hear of one certain rule laid down by the Solicitor General, relative to the proper manner of granting new charters, which was that the new charter ought to be, to every material purpose, a transcript of the old; yet he was sorry to observe, that in the case of Hellstone, which lately came under his consideration, that rule happened to be departed from; for the old charter The Solicitor General said, he should always, as far as was in his power, abide by the rule before-mentioned of copying the old charter in the new grant; and that he and his colleague in office had observed it, in the one alluded to by the hon. member. For there, though the old charter it was true, had been granted, and the right of admitting burgesses, had been given, to the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of Hellstone; yet the usage had been directly contrary, from the reign of queen Elizabeth, the time the charter was granted; besides, there was one general exception, which ought to be made, and which was actually the case at Hellstone, that was, when the persons to be incorporated, applied for the alteration. The alteration was at the express desire of the inhabitants. At Abingdon the alteration was only appointing five justices to act within the borough of Abingdon, which if it could operate to any purpose, must have been an improvement, according to the hon. gentleman's ideas, as five persons were not so likely to abuse the power as three. Mr. Howard said, the present charter was less exceptionable than the former; that the sting of sir Robert Sawyer's attempt was extracted, and that therefore he disapproved the motion. Mr. Feilde. The King can act only in curia, not in camera; therefore, whatever were the intentions, the clause cannot have the effect apprehended by the mover of this question. Lord Folkestone said, it was the intention which he wished to defeat; the prac ticability of executing such intentions actually appeared in the reign of William 3, by means of king James's charters, several of which appearing of this tendency on trials of controverted elections, were voted illegal by the House of Commons; and So it was resolved in the affirmative. So it passed in the negative. a committee to take into consideration that part of a Bill of the 13th of his present Majesty, which contains a clause for obliging the East India Company, to export, to a certain amount, goods and merchandize, of the growth, produce and manufactures of this country. Debate in the Commons on the Bill to oblige the East India Company to export April 5. Lord Folkestone apologized to a certain Quantity of English Manufacthe House, that he should bring on a questures.] April 11. The House went into tion before the private business was gone through, but he wished to make a motion at that instant, because it was the first moment that offered after the indirect negative put upon his motion on Monday. The House then voted, that a clause, reserving to the king a power of removing a returning officer, was not unconstitutional; that resolution was upon the Journals. He wished the reason of that vote might likewise appear. The reason given was that the king, &c. meant the king in the court of justice. As he could not understand the clause in that light, he meant to negative his own motion; though if it had a legislative operation he would warmly support it. He added, that he would not give the House the trouble of a division, unless a previous question was moved in that case he would. He then moved, "That the said words contained in the said charter do not reserve to the crown any power of amotion, except by due course of law." : Mr. Powys seconded the motion. Mr. St. John said, the reason assigned was certainly the reason for the vote on Monday, but the second question then moved and now renewed, was like voting that an eldest son is heir apparent to his father: he therefore moved the previous question. Mr. Gascoyne seconded that motion, and added that it was a dangerous and useless practice to vote abstract propositions; the noble lord admitted the vote would not alter the law, why then should the House, without any call, pretend to declare it? Mr. Cooper observed, that such another Bill had been brought in in 1768, which expired in 1773; that it was then revived for two years longer, which was now near expiring; that therefore he would move the committee that the same might be continued for a limited time, which he meant to be three years longer, till the expiration of the charter. He remarked, that the measure had originated with the charter in king William's time, when they were bound to export to the value of 100,000l. that afterwards it was changed to a tenth of their whole export, and in 1768 was raised to 400,000l. a year. Governor Johnstone. I do not think it can be necessary to enlarge upon the rea sons for disagreeing with so anti-commer cial, so absurd, so ridiculous a measure, as that which is now proposed to us. Sir, it is contrary to every principle of trade, to force a company, or a merchant, to export what he cannot sell. There are now lying in the warehouses of Bengal 270,000l. worth of British woollens, rotting and eating by moths, for want of a market, and you will in defiance of that known fact, lay so ridiculous a restriction on the Company, as to force them to send out more annually, in order to come to the same fate. Sir, I do aver, that you might just as well order the amount of British cloth to be made in a bonfire, the next time the King comes to the House, for the entertainment of the mob, and make the East India Company pay for it, as to do what is now proposed to you. It would be no more than a tax upon them, and this as much a tax as any other regulation. Lord North. The hon. member appears to mistake not only the words but the meaning of the motion: it does not tie down the Company to the export of cloth; it leaves the manufacture or product to their choice. There are many articles which may be more saleable in India than cloth, and such of course they will export. Mr. Burke. I esteem this proposition as big with nothing but absurdity; and I think the reasons for disagreeing with it are much the stronger, from its proceeding from an oblique sort of wisdom, political, not commercial; and which looks towards America much more than to India. What circumstance is the father of the motion? I will tell you, Sir: the late American measures have threatened the manufactures of this country with ruin, or at least with a stagnation of an appearance formidable. In order to remedy a jot of this evil, and to hold out hopes to the manufacturers here, is this export held out to them. While administration annihilates the American markets, she cooks up others in the East Indies. Thus is the present a measure of political commerce, and not of commercial intelligence; and as such, it ought to be rejected. But, Sir, the fact is, it is a mere tax upon the Company, and it is absurd to consider it in any other light. Let us consider how well it is contrived to answer such a purpose: you assisted them with a loan, which was necessary to their being as a Company, as administration told us, from their poverty; and before a shilling of that loan is repaid, what do you do? Why, convinced of the superabundance of their wealth instead of their poverty, you lay an immediate tax upon them. Is this consistent? Is it consonant with the ideas either of commerce or of finance? But farther, Sir, the operation of the motion supposes another melancholy fact, that the British manufactures are a drug; that they are of no value: and that their exportation must be enforced at all events, or they will lie a dead weight on the hands of the manufacturers. Now, Sir, this is a most humiliating circumstance; even more humiliating than I can allow : nor can I see the ne cessity in consequence of it of sending them to feed the moths of Bengal. Why not clothe the numberless poor of this country and make the Company pay for it? Mr. Van. The hon. gentleman lays down his maxims with such an air of authority, that one would think no person in the House had common sense but himself. Sir, I beg leave to state a case, which the hon. gentleman appears to forget. The East India Company might send out British manufactures, but will not, for reasons best known to themselves; but, Sir, at the same time that they will not send them out, let the hon. gentleman ask his constituents, if Bristol, Liverpool and Glasgow would not send them out? If, therefore, the Company will not, or cannot export these goods, let the towns do it who can and would. The hon. member's principles, which he lays down in the ipse dixit manner, are certainly not calculated for the meridian of Bristol, for which place he was elected, I suppose for his knowledge of trade; but if that knowledge is in future to constitute the member for Bristol, I might perhaps be as successful a candidate as the hon. member. Mr. Burke. I cannot help rising to congratulate not only the country at large but the city of Bristol in particular, on the prospect of possessing, after seven years of inauspicious darkness, a gentleman of such profound knowledge of trade, such sound ideas, and such a commanding eloquence. But, Sir, that the principles of this Bill are false and rotten, every view of it will tell us; it depreciates our most valuable products and manufactures. Sir, I have always thought that plum-pudding and broad cloth were two most excellent things, but I now find all our English ideas are very erroneous, and that instead of being good things, they go a begging for a market. Lord North. I am so much of the hon. gentleman's opinion concerning the merit of pudding, that I shall detain you but a few minutes. The Company had this restriction engrafted upon them from their very origin; they have grown up and thriven under it. Now, Sir, shall we make use of our experience, and require of the Company no new restriction but one already known, when they are so well able to bear it. I will not allow it to be a tax; it is a mere guard in the legislature for the protection of commerce, and entirely consistent with the interests of the Company. Mr. Burke answered him, and insisted that his dates were right, and the chronology of Mr. Jenkinson wrong. The question being put, the committee divided, Ayes 56, Noes 9; and a Bill was accordingly ordered to be brought in. The King's Message for settling Buckingham House on the Queen.] April 12. Lord North delivered the following Message from the King: "GEORGE R. "His Majesty, desirous that a better and more suitable accommodation should be made for the residence of the Queen, in case she should survive his Majesty, and being willing that the palace in which his Majesty now resides, lately known by the name of Buckingham-house, and now called the Queen's-house, may be settled for that purpose, in lieu of Somerset-house, recommends it to his faithful Commons, to take the same into their consideration; and to make provision for settling the said palace upon her Majesty; and for appropriating Somerset-house to such uses as shall be found most beneficial to the public." Mr. Jenkinson spoke in reply to Mr. | paratory to his opening the Budget; when Burke, as to facts. he moved the following Resolutions, which were agreed to. 1. "That persons who on the 24th of April last were possessed of 3 per cent. annuities, shall be at liberty to accept 887. for every 100l. towards the redemption of 1,000,000l. of the said funds or stocks; one moiety to be paid on or before the 15th of July, and the other on or before the 20th of October next, with interest to the 5th of July 1775; and for every 100%. of such subscription, shall receive six tickets in a lottery to consist of 60,000 tickets at 121. 10s. each; and the capital stock of such subscription shall be annihilated. That books shall be opened at the Bank, the 8th of May, from nine in the morning till six in the afternoon, for the purpose of receiving said subscription. No person to subscribe more than 20,000!. nor less than 100%. and after the whole is summed up, the same to be rateably divided among the subscribers, in proportion to the quantity of stock subscribed, over and above the said 1,000,000l. of annuities to be so annihilated. 2. That towards raising the supply, 1,915,552. 16s. 11d. be issued out of the sinking fund. 3. That 1,250,000l. be raised by loans on exchequer bills, to be charged on the first aids, to be granted next session. 4. That April 26. The following Resolutions 15,000l. out of the monies remaining in were agreed to. 1. "That the palace in the Exchequer the 5th of April, 1766, which his Majesty now resides, lately the produce of American duties, be apknown by the name of Buckingham-house, plied towards maintaining the forces and and now called the Queen's-house, be set- garrisons in the plantations. 5. That motled on the Queen, in lieu of Somerset-nies paid into the Exchequer after the house, in case she shall survive his Majesty. 2. That from and after the determination of such settlement, the said palace be annexed to, and vested in, the crown of Great Britain. 3. That the palace of Somerset-house, which by an Act, made in the second year of his present Majesty's reign, was settled upon the Queen, be vested in his Majesty, his heirs and successors, for the purpose of erecting and establishing certain public offices. 4. That 100,000l. be granted to his Majesty, as and for the money laid out in the purchase of the Queen's-house, and in rendering the same convenient for a royal palace, and in consideration of his Majesty's palace of Somerset-house being converted, and applied for the future, to the purpose of holding and keeping therein certain public offices." The Budget.] May 3. Lord North moved for a committee of supply, pre 5th of April, 1775, and before the 5th of April, 1776, produce of the duties on the importation and exportation of gum senega and gum arabic, be applied towards the supply." He observed, that 3,800,000l. of light or diminished money had been paid into the Bank, under the first Act; that 4,800,000l. had been paid in like manner, under the royal proclamation of receiving guineas not under five penny-weights three grains, nor more than six grains; that it was computed, that when the second proclamation was issued for calling in all guineas under full standard, upwards of 4,000,000l. more would be called in, the whole amounting to about 14,000,000/ and the expence of melting down, receiving, interest paid to the Bank, gratuities to the country commissioners, and recoinage to about 650,000.; that the deficiencies on land and malt were computed at 450,000l. that is 50,000l. lower than they were the last year; that the whole of the grants consisted of the land and malt, estimated at 2,250,000l., the exchequer bills 1,250,000l., the profits on a lottery 150,000l., the produce of the sinking fund, from the 5th January to the 5th April, 886,000l. the three next quarters produce of said fund 1,915,000l. which would make the whole of the sinking fund 2,800,000l. and miscellaneous savings, with the expected produce of the sale of French prizes 17,000l. and sales of lands in the ceded islands 50,000l. taken together, would amount to 300,000/.; while on the other hand the services were, the navy 1,700,000l., the ordnance 300,000l., the army 1,600,000l., exchequer bills of last year 1,250,000l., army extraordinaries 270,000l., miscellaneous of grants and coinage 348,000l. So that on the whole, the grants would be 6,550,000l. and the services voted 5,550,000l. which would leave a surplus of 1,000,000l. excess of grants, with which he proposed to pay off the above 1,000,000l. of three per cent. annuities, for the sum of 880,000l. which last surplus again of 120,000l. would remain to make good the deficiences of the grants, or to balance the 100,000l. voted for the purchase of the Queen's-palace and Somerset-house. His lordship then proceeded to state the public debts, as they appeared on the 5th of January last, compared with their amount on the 5th of January, 1773. At the latter period they were 123 millions funded, and 13 millions unfunded, which, with the fractions, made in the whole 136 millions; at the former, 124 millions funded, three millions unfunded, in the whole 127 millions; paid off nine millions. His lordship did not state the respective interests paid at those periods, but generally stated the decrease in the following manner: total decrease on the whole 440,000l. per ann. and 30,000l. by the present operation, in the whole 470,000l. out of which take for the navy bills unfunded 20,000l. and the exchequer bills in circulation, at 4 per cent. 40,000l. both these sums, with the trifling discount on navy and victualling bills, would leave a clear decrease in the interest money paid to the public creditors of the sum of 400,000l. per ann. After he had stated the several sums necessary to the explanation of the financial operation, which he was about to submit to the House, he observed, that the nation might think that the reduction of the na tional debt proceeded very slowly; but when it was considered, the very heavy burdens contracted during the late glorious and successful war, the consequent increase of interest, and that that war was entered into at the express desire of the people, joined with the numerous and singular advantages derived to this country, both in respect of commerce and territory, the nation uniting all these considerations, had much less reason to be impatient or complain. The four great wars we have maintained since the Revolution, said his lordship, neither originated from the ambition of our princes, nor the corruption of ministers; and the vast sums expended, however enormous, or heavily at present we may feel the weight, were for the most part laid out either directly in the protection or advancement of our own immediate interests, or in upholding those, with which they were essentially connected. Our endeavours have in general corresponded to the glory of our motives, and the magnitude of our designs, as taking the lead among the great powers of Europe, by protecting others, securing our own interests, and setting limits to the ambition of the enemies of both. The war commenced at the Revolution, was a popular war; so was that which followed about the succession. The rupture in 1739 with Spain, originated entirely in popular motives. I will not, however, pretend to say it was as well founded as the two preceding, at least so well timed, though I have no doubt that it might in the end become as necessary. The late war was, if possible, still more popular than any of the rest, as it was in the beginning undertaken without any view to continental connections, but purely to protect our subjects in America, which I shail ever think ought to be a very strong incentive to them to assist us to alleviate those burthens we now feel, and of which they have been the primary cause. I will now beg leave to return to the subject that naturally falls more immediately under the consideration this day, which is the reduction of this heavy load of debt, and the approbation of the fund allotted for that purpose to other uses. A person of confessed ingenuity (Dr. Price) has written a pamphlet with great ability, on this subject, and condemned the great minister, (sir Robert Walpole) who first devised the sinking fund, for departing from his own plan. I admire the ingenuity of the author. I have partly, |