So that, after this, a proposal of beginning with the Temple, we may well think, would be eagerly embraced by them. Till this was rebuilt, their religion, as we have seen, was in a state of inanition; sacrifices, which were essential to it, being forbidden to be offered in any other place. Hence the Jews had attempted, more than once, to restore it, in defiance of the power to which they were subject; first, in the reign of Adrian, and afterwards, under that of Constantine *: but reasons of state defeated the former attempt; and reasons of religion, the latter. Adrian regarded and punished it as a rebellion; Constantine, as an impiety. They were now invited, as good subjects and faithful worshippers of the true God, to second the Emperor's design in restoring them to their city and religion.

But here if any one should ask, how it appears that Julian had the purpose we accuse him of? we shall refer him to the whole plan of Julian's conduct for an answer. For men's purposes are best declared by their actions. He had formed a design to ruin Christianity. He had played off the round of his machines to no purpose; and was got, by due degrees, to this; the only battery that was left untried. He had strove in vain to weaken its influence; he would now, as his last effort, attack its pretensions: and his knowledge of the two religions enabled him to chuse his ground to advantage. This is the utmost evidence the case will afford. For sure no man can be so absurd to imagine, that Julian (supposing this to be his intention) would proclaim his purpose by edict, or, what was the same thing, would tell it at court, till he had seen the issue of the event: though had that proved fortunate, we cannot doubt but the Imperial Sophist * Chrysost. advers, Judæos, passim.

would

effectually disgraced, it

would have descanted on his triumph over the Gali læan, in all the forms of the chancery, and in all the modes of the schools. But as his project was so would be still more absurd to expect, that either he, or any of his band of sophists, should be forward to divulge the secret to the world. Indeed, their shyness in mentioning the disaster at Jerusalem, when their subject requires it, and the affected disguise they throw over it, when they cannot avoid it, are, to me, the strongest proofs of some conscious guilt, or severe mortification.

But the Christians of that time saw no cause to defer accusing Julian of this purpose, till he himself should think fit to confess it; and, therefore, with one voice, they proclaim it, and charge it on him without scruple or hesitation. And the church was too attentive to his motions to be the dupe of his professions, in any thing that concerned religion. The RUINED TEMPLE was the trophy of Christ's victory over his enemies; so that a project to restore it, could not but give them the alarm. They collected, as we do now, (but with far better opportunities of so doing), what was Julian's real purpose, from his general character, and his particular behaviour towards them. Nor is it unlikely but they might get further intelligence from something dropt by his confidents, the Sophists, a people vain and talkative, and at no time renowned for secrecy.

Thus much is certain, that the Christian writers are unanimous in what they say of Julian's motive: and seem to be so well assured of its not being brought in question, that they generally content themselves with calling it indefinitely, a pernicious project, destructive

of

of Christianity*. But Sozomene goes further, and assures us, that not only Julian, but all the Gentiles, who assisted in it, pushed it forward upon that very motive; and for the sake of that, suspended their aversion to the Jewish nation †. For an aversion they always had, and that, no small one, if we may credit the best Pagan writers themselves.

However this is not to be forgotten, that let Julian's motive be what it would, as the successful execution of his design must have impeached the veracity of the prophecies, there was a necessity for some interposition to defeat it.

He

But, besides the principal purpose of utterly discrediting the Christian name, there were other auxiliary motives to push Julian on to a speedy execution. liked the Jews for their bloody sacrifices, to which he himself was extravagantly given; he liked them better for their implacable hatred to the Christians, in which he far outwent them; and he soothed his family revenge, in favouring those whom Constantine had persecuted, and persecuted for this very attempt. To which we may add that which Marcellinus assigns as his principal motive, the glory of atchieving so bold an enterprize ‡.

* Τέλος ἐπαφῆκε καὶ τὸ Ἰσδαίων φύλον ἡμῖν-Καὶ ἀποκρυπτόμενα εὐνοίας πλάσματι τὴν ἐπίνοιαν—Greg. Νaz.—Καὶ κατ ̓ ἄλλον δὲ τρόπον ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰς Χρισιανὸς βλάπτειν σπεδάζων-Socr.-Διετέλει καὶ κατὰ τῆς εὐσεβείας-Καὶ τὰς Ἰυδαίας καθώπλισε κατὰ τῶν εἰς Χρισὸν περισευ κότων-Theodor.-"Ότι προτάξας φησὶ Ἰαλιανὸς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα ἀνοικοδομεῖσθαι, ὡς ἂν τὰς περὶ αὐτῶν δεσποτικὰς προῤῥήσεις ἀκύρας ἐλέγξη. Philost. apud Photium.

† Πάνια δὲ τὰ ἄλλα δεύτερα ἦν τὸ πονεμένα, βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι, καὶ πᾶσιν Ιεδαίοις· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔτε Ιεδαίοις εὐνοῦντες, ἐκοινώνει αὐτοῖς τῆς σπυδῆς, ὑπολαβόνες δύνασθαι καλορθῶν τὸ ἐγχείρημα, καὶ ψευδεῖς ἀπελέγξαι τὸ Χρισε τὰς προῤῥήσεις. Sozom.

↑ Imperii sui memoriam magnitudine operum gestiens propagare. Am. Marc. 1. iii. c. 1.

But

But Julian, who aimed at higher matters than obtaining the good-will of the Jews, would not intrust so important a design to their inclinations or abilities. He assumed the care of it himself; and carried on the project (as far as it was carried) under the Imperial authority. He assigned for this purpose immense sums out of the public treasury. The superintendancy of it he committed to his bosom friend, Alypius *; to whom he joined, for his assistant, the governor of the province. Alypius was one who had been much obliged by Julian †, and for this reason, as is the nature of princes, was as much beloved by him: but their strongest tye was an equal malice, and congenial aversion to the Christian name; qualities, doubtless, for which Alypius was preferred to that employThis man, in conjunction with the Jews, and under the sanction of the Imperial authority, entered upon the business. They laid in immense quantities of materials; they assembled vast numbers of workmen; the Jews, of both sexes, and of all degrees, bore a share in the labour: they entered upon the ruins, cleared away the rubbish, and opened the old foundations.

ment.

An account of this attempt (to wave the testimony of Christian authors) is transmitted to us by a contemporary writer, of noble extraction, a friend and admirer of Julian, and his companion in arms; a man of affairs, a lover of truth, learned, candid, and im、 partial; qualities which rendered him the best historian of his time; who, although neither ignorant of the doctrines, nor bigotted against the followers of our faith, yet was strongly attached to the superstition of

*The xxixth and xxxth epistles of Julian are written to him, in the latter of which he calls him, Αδελφὲ ποθεινότατε καὶ φιλικώτατε. † See the xxixth Epistle.

his ancestors, and, in one word, a Pagan professed and declared *

So

* As there have been critics absurd enough to suspect that Ammianus Marcellinus might be a Christian; it may be just worth while to quote a passage of the celebrated Hadrian Valesius, who, in few words, has well exposed this groundless conceit. "Petrus Pithoeus ad latus Ammiani sui manu sua notavit, eum "Christianum fuisse, propterea quod in libro xxvii. scripsit, "Antistites quosdam provinciales, id est, episcopos Christianorum,

66

parco victu, vili veste, & demissis oculis, perpetuo numini ve"risque ejus cultoribus ut parcos commendari & verecundos. An ❝ideo Ammianus Christianus habendus eft, quòd Deum Christi66 anorum perpetuum numen, id est, Deum æternum, & Christianos "Antistites veros perpetui numinis cultores appellat? Quasi non veros perpetui numinis cultores Ammianus vocaverat Gen"tiles ipsos ac sui similes, quibus quidam etiam Christianorum episcopi in provinciis sanctitate vitæ & verecundia commenda"rentur ac placerent. Ita tamen de Ammiano sensit & Claudius "Chiffletius, cum verbis ejus supra laudatis, tum aliis levissimis "conjecturis adductus. Sed qui attente legerit, quæ præter "cætera in fine libri xiv de Adrasti vel Nemesi, quæ in libro "xvi de Mercurio, quæ in libro xxi de numine Themidis, de Ha“ruspicina, de Auguriis, variisque artibus futura prænoscendi, "veteres theologos suos, & physicos, ac mysticos secutus scripsit:

profectò fateri cogetur, eum cultui Deum addictum ac devotum "fuisse. Certè de diis gentium tanquam de suis semper loquitur; "de Christianis sacris mysteriisque non item Nunquam Chris"tianis se adjungit; nunquam & nusquam eorum se numero ad"scribit; & Julianum A. quem suum heroa fecit, hanc præcipuè "ob causam mihi videtur toties & tantopere laudare, quod à "religione Christiana ad numinum cultum desciverit. Quâ tamen "erat prudentiâ, adeo modestè atque sincerè, ac nonnumquam "etiam benevolè de Christianis rebus commemorat, ut aliqui "unum ex nostris putaverint. Nimirum, sicuti existimo, vir "bonus, integer & sapiens religionem Christianam non sequi, "tuto se posse intelligebat: eandem principibus suis acceptam & "toto ferè orbe Romano diffusam palam damnare non audebat, "sed & forsitan religionum diversitates non improbavit, per"suasumque habuit (sicut ait De notitia Dei Symmachus) unâ "viâ non posse pervenire ad tam grande secretum.” Præf. in poster. Am. Marc. editionem. To these a thousand other proofs might be added. I shall content myself, at present, with one,

taken