Austrian passports) to assassinate Kossuth by poisonLord Claude HAMILTON said, with much warmth, that he believed this charge to be a base calumny against a faithful ally;-on which Mr. GRATTAN, as an Irishman, disclaimed the sentiments of Lord C. Hamilton, whose parasitical adulation of a band of assassins he utterly condemned. He had read an account of the alleged flogging of an Hungarian Countess by Austrian soldiers. "What would his lordship say," he exclaimed, "if the Marchioness of Abercorn (Lord C. Hamilton's relative) were to be flogged in a square by the Guards in Birdcage Walk? What if the Duchess of Devonshire were to be?"-a supposition at the suggestion of which the house roared with laughter, Mr. Grattan declaring that the laughers ought to be "spit upon by the children in the streets." The motion was then withdrawn. In moving the re-introduction of his Marriages Bill, [to abrogate the prohibition of marriage between a widower and his wife's sister,] Mr. Stuart WORTLEY briefly explained the principal alterations that he had made in it: one would render valid such measures as had been recently contracted; the other removed from the bill the compulsion on the clergy to celebrate such marriages.-Sir Robert INGLIS obstinately resisted the bill, on the old grounds.-Mr. Sidney HERBERT would not oppose a re-introduced bill at that stage-the less since it was no longer proposed to alter the ecclesiastical law. On a division, leave to bring in the bill was voted by 149 to 65. In a committee of the whole house on Friday the 8th, Lord J. RUSSELL made a statement of the Colonial Policy of government. After a general sketch of the history of the colonies, he described the political state of each colony separately. As to Canada, he said, its constitution was well known; and it was only necessary for him to add, in reference to the idle threats of annexation to the United States, that the discontented parties were too well aware of the determined will of the sovereign and her advisers to think they would ever be permitted to execute their threat. If the present ministers in Canada met with proper support (as seemed probable) they would remain in office; if not, the governor-general would call in others in accordance with the Canadian constitution. It had been resolved to introduce representative institutions into our Cape colony, where an assembly and also a legislative council would be established. New South Wales was to have a single council, one third of its members to be appointed by government, and two-thirds to be elected; but the colony was to have the power hereafter, of demanding two chambers if it wished. Customs-duties were to be settled by themselves. Port Philip was to be separated from New South Wales, and to form a distinct district; and, in addition to the introduction of free institutions into Van Diemen's Land, South Australia was to have a representative body. Into New Zealand the governor had already introduced a legislative system, and had reported in favour of a representative one, which would, after some further information, be granted to that colony. The exception to the representative rule would be in the cases where we had only military stations, or where the races were mingled in a way which rendered such institions impossible. Barbadoes and Jamaica had long enjoyed their own governments. Trinidad was to have a municipal council in aid of the executive, and so was Mauritius. Malta was to have elective members added to its council. His lordship then went, at some length, into the British Guiana question, and said that a species of oligarchy was paramount there; but by an infusion of new electors it must be broken down, and this had been done to a certain extent, and the reform would have a still further effect. He referred to the recent debate upon this subject as an illustration of the ignorance and inconsistency of certain opponents of government. He then made some general remarks on the question of transportation and emigration; and concluded a speech which occupied more than two hours and a quarter, and which was listened to by a full house with great attention, by saying that the two principles upon which the colonial policy of the present government was founded, were the maintenance of the free-trade system to its fullest extent, and the establishment, wherever it was possible, of political freedom. In the desultory debate which ensued, Sir William MOLESWORTH agreed with many points of Lord John's speech, but did not clearly understand his policy as a whole, and could not yet put faith in the promises of the Colonial Office, especially those relating to Australia. Other speakers expressed satisfaction with Lord John's progress in opinion, but took exceptions to his shortcomings. Mr. ROEBUCK could not understand why Lord John reversed in New South Wales the just conclusion to which he had arrived in South Africa with respect to an elective second chamber. Mr. ANSTEY claimed greater liberty for Van Diemen's Land; Mr. BAILLIE, for British Guiana; Mr. SCOTT, for New South Wales; Mr. AGLIONBY, for New Zealand. Mr. GLADSTONE and Mr. HUME argued for a complete extension of the British constitution, with its two chambers, to the representative colonies generally. Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. GLADSTONE, and Mr. ADDERLEY, showed that the Colonial Reform Society had already produced fruits in the new impulse given to the government. It had led to the new constitution for the Cape; the idea of which was conceived by the committee of the Board of Trade in January. Mr. HAWES was again convicted of misquoting or garbling; he read an extract from a despatch as confirming his assertion that the governor of Van Diemen's Land was in favour of a single chamber; but Mr. GLADSTONE showed that he had only read from the preface to the governor's declaration, which was in these words "I should most strenuously recommend the adoption of a second or upper chamber." The committee unanimously passed the following resolutions, to be reported on Monday: "1. That provision be made for the better government of her Majesty's Australian colonies. 2. That the governors and legislative councils of her Majesty's Australian colonies be authorised to impose and levy duties and customs on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into such colonies." On Monday the 11th, the Personal Dispute between Mr. Horsman and Lord John Russell was amicably settled. Lord ASHLEY introduced the matter by saying that he did not think a committee the proper tribunal to settle the question, and that, as the differences must have arisen from misunderstanding, he proposed that the matter should go no further.-Mr. HORSMAN regretted that some of his expressions had been misunderstood. He believed that Lord J. Russell had not deliberately attempted to deceive him, but had availed himself of the forms of the house to annoy him, being irritated at his perseverance. He admitted that he had often given provocation, but would always avoid doing so in future.-Lord J. RUSSELL said that nothing could be more satisfactory; he had no doubt of Mr. Horsman's motives as regarded his public conduct, but he and Mr. Horsman were in somewhat different positions, and it was his (Lord John's) duty, when introducing a bill to the house, to satisfy all parties of its justice.-Sir G. GREY also expressed his entire satisfaction at what had passed, and added that he should make it his study to convince Mr. Horsman of the sincerity of his intentions. -Thus the affair ended. Before the house proceeded to the nomination of the Ceylon Committee, Lord John RUSSELL called the attention of the house to some observations made by Mr. Baillie upon Captain Watson, with respect to a proclamation alleged to have been issued by that officer in Ceylon; and read a letter from Captain Watson to Earl Grey, declaring that the document was utterly spurious; that he had never issued nor authorised such a proclamation.-Mr. BAILLIE said he had received the proclamation from Ceylon, with the signature of Captain Watson, in his own handwriting, or what purported to be his handwriting, attached to it.-The select committee of last Session was then re-appointed. On the motion for the second reading of the Pirate (Head-Money) Repeal Bill, Sir Francis BARING explained, that though it repeals the existing acts, it does not preclude the Admiralty from making allowances of the nature of head-money; it would not, therefore, remove from officers and men of the navy the expectation of such rewards for valuable services in the capture of pirates as the old law entitled them to. He proposed to leave in the hands of the Admiralty a large discretionary power to be exercised in communication with the Treasury. For the recent suppression of piratical forces, he feared he should have to call on the house for a pretty large vote -as much, he feared, as 100,000.Mr. HUME apprehended that something had been kept back, and would ask for full information before the half of 100,000l. were voted.-Mr. COBDEN and Colonel THOMPSON desiderated evidence that the aboriginal tribes whom we have been slaughtering are really pirates-that they have ever molested English commerce: they do not appear to have been other than tribes in a state of barbarism carrying on war with each other. The second reading of the bill passed unopposed. | The house then went into committee on Mr. LABOUCHERE's resolutions for the improvement of our Maritime Legislation; when he explained his several propositions for improving the merchant marine, for better organising and managing the Merchant Seamen's Fund, and for better determining the admeasurement of merchant shipping. His explanations and proposals were in general favourably received; the chief doubts coming from Sir George CLERK, Mr. W. FAGAN, and Mr. CARDWELL, on his proposals regarding the Seamen's Fund.-Mr. HUME and Mr. HEADLAM cordially approved of his proposed abolition of the present system of registration. The resolutions were agreed to; and leave was given to bring in bills in accordance with them. The second reading of the County Rates and Expenditure Bill was moved on Wednesday, the 13th, by Mr. Milner GIBSON, who explained that its general purport was to provide for the regulation of county expenditure a series of councils analogous to the borough councils, which held authority over borough expenditure. His object was not to supersede the county justices, but to give a concurrent control over the county rates to a board who should be elected by and represent the great body of ratepayers. The judicial functions of the magistrates would remain wholly untouched. He proceeded to rebut the accusation of inconsistency brought against him on a former day by Mr. Disraeli, as having required, on behalf of the occupier, a control over taxes, which, by his own doctrines, fell solely on the landlords. He showed how far the occupiers were interested in the question; and submitted that in the rapid expansion of the rates that often took place within the period of a single year, the tenants bore the whole increase of the burdens. Mr. SPOONER deprecated hasty legislation on this subject, and moved the adjournment of the debate. -Sir G. GREY thought the proposal for adjournment not unreasonable, considering the magnitude of the interests involved in the bill. An early expression of the opinion of the legislature was, however, very desirable.-Eventually the debate was adjourned to Wednesday, the 13th of March. Mr. Cornewall LEWIS moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the laws respecting the management of the Highways of England and Wales. He explained the main provisions of the bill to be, the vesting of the power now in the ratepayers at large in the boards of poor-law guardians, and the appointment of paid district surveyors in lieu of the present unpaid parochial surveyors. Several members, among whom was Sir R. PEEL, expressed opinions generally favourable to the bill, and leave was given to introduce it. On Thursday, the 14th, Mr. ADDERLY introduced a bill on the subject of Convict Transportation. Its object was to repeal the act which empowers the queen and privy council to determine the place to which felons shall be transported.-Its introduction was strongly opposed by Sir G. GREY and Lord J. RUSSELL; and leave to bring it in was refused by 110 to 32. On Friday, the 15th, the house went into committee on the subject of the Advances and Repayment of Advances to Ireland, and Lord John RUSSELL made a proposal for consolidating the debts and enlarging the indulgence of time to distressed unions. He described the condition of Ireland as materially improved, as was shown by the great diminution of poor rates during the last year. The loans and advances, repayment of which was now due from Ireland, including a balance of 1,130,000. granted for building workhouses in 1839, amounted, in the gross, to 4,483,000%. In the more distressed unions, about thirty in number, there was an amount of debt due to contractors during the famine, for food, clothing, &c., and in some cases payment had been pressed so severely that the beds of persons in the infirmary had been taken from under them: these debts amounted at the end of December last to 270,0002.; and some other expenses were estimated at 30,000. These sums made the total liabilities 4,783,000. Under the Rate-in-Aid Act, of 250,000l. to be repaid out of the rate-in-aid, 150,000l. had been repaid, and it was probable that the other amount would be forthcoming. Lord John proposed to advance the 300,000l. to meet the debts for the distressed unions; to convert the other debts, in places where the pressure of the poor-law is strongly felt, into consolidated annuities; and to allow forty years for the repayment by annual instalments, with interest where it is named by previous acts of Parliament, without interest where it is not so named. The resolutions were agreed to at once; but a debate arose on the question that they be reported. Some Irish members complained, with Mr. GRATTAN, that the relief was not enough; others, with Mr. MONSELL, expressed grateful satisfaction. Mr. BRIGHT insisted on a more rigid and just administration of relief; and pointed to instances, in the unions of Cliefden, Ballinrobe and Castlebar, where landowners, and even county members, are open defaulters in the payment of poorrates, and resort to various devices for the evasion of the bailiff. Several Irish members expressed great anger at this charge, and called for names; but they were not given. Mr. Bright said he had taken his information from the union books. The resolutions were ordered to be reported on Monday next. The Court of Chancery (Ireland) Bill was read a second time, after a smart debate, which consisted almost entirely in personal sparring without substantial interest. On the motion for going into committee on the Registrar's Office in Bankruptcy Bill, Mr. HENLEY moved to refer it to a select committee, objecting that the union of two sinecures would have the effect of perpetuating one. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL opposed him, but, after some discussion, Mr. HENLEY'S motion was carried against the government by 61 to 57. This result was received with cheers. On the second reading of the Australian Colonies Bill being moved on Monday the 18th, Mr. SCOTT moved the postponement of the second reading till further papers were produced, being of opinion that this measure required the most deliberate consideration. Mr. ROEBUCK objected to the bill on the ground that it gave power to men who did not derive their authority from the will of the colonists. This bill was the worst of all abortions ever put forth by an incompetent administration. We were taking an irrevocable step, and one which would for the future be a continual source of discontent and quarrel; whereas we ought to give the Australians really free institutions, instead of a government by the clerks of the Colonial office. He wished to understand why different measures were doled out to Australia and to the Cape? The influence of the Colonial Office was a mildew upon the colonies. Lord John RUSSELL said that he had never heard a speech so full of blunders as that of Mr. Roebuck, who, moreover, was really asking the house to set at nought the opinion of the Australians, and to force its own idea of a constitution upon them. The attacks which it was the fashion with Mr. Roebuck and others like him to assail the Colonial Office, were in truth attempts to dispute the power of the Crown. The "clerks" had literally nothing to do with any matters of decision. The object of ministers in bringing in the present bill, which was provisional in its nature, was to give increased weight to the opinion of the colonies. The people of Australia would certainly not be satisfied with the species of constitution which had been sent to the Cape; and though he (Lord J. Russell) preferred two chambers to one, it was for the Australians to decide the question. After defending the Colonial Office from Mr. Roebuck's attack, and declaring that the bill had been drawn with great care, Lord John asked the house to read it a second time. Sir W. MOLESWORTH would offer no opposition to the bill in its first stages, but claimed the opportunity of discussing in committee, questions concerning the form of government, and the powers to be delegated to the colonial authorities. After a number of desultory remarks from various members, the bill was read a second time. fairly rating personal and trading properties, and they were still insurmountable. But the burthens comThe subject of Agricultural Distress was brought plained of were decreasing. Since 1813 the amount before the house, on Tuesday the 19th, by Mr. raised for the poor and county rates had diminished by DISRAELI, who moved for a committee to revise and nearly a million, while the population upon whom it amend the Poor-laws, for the purpose of affording was assessed had expanded from ten to seventeen relief to the agricultural classes. He began by admitting millions, and the value of the real property chargeable the fact that a large majority in both houses were dis-had increased from fifty to ninety-one millions. Of inclined to disturb, at present, the settlement lately this the land bore a rated value of only forty-three arrived at, and his party were convinced that an abro- millions. The rest consisted of houses, railways, gation of the recent legislation on the subject could not and various other forms of realised property. Land be obtained. It was necessary therefore to adapt our had nevertheless not decreased in absolute, but position to the altered state of the case, and so to revise only in relative value, and, as was thus proved, had taxation that those connected with the soil should be in no degree gone out of cultivation. These figures placed on an equality with their fellow-subjects. He disposed of the allegation of injustice to the land denied the assertion frequently made, that the landlord in the incidence of local taxation. Sir G. GREY class is luxurious, indolent, and aristocratic. If you then commented upon Mr. Disraeli's several proposals. divide the whole rental of England-sixty millions-by Instead of a million and a half, the establishment charges the number of proprietors-205,000—the average income of England were, last year, only 700,000. If this was of each is about 2407. a year; and, as many have much withdrawn from local checks, considerable danger of more, many must have much less; the truth being that extravagance would be incurred. Much the same might they are the most thrifty, industrious, hard-living class, be said of the other charges included in the propositions. as a whole, in the kingdom. On the subject of the But on this point he would not, on the instant, declare Poor-laws, he maintained that the burden of sup- what the government might determine when they came porting the poor ought to fall equally on all, and not to decide what was to be done with the surplus revenue. upon a particular class. It had been said that the land He denied, however, that they differed materially in in this country was inherited subject to this and all principle from other items of local taxation. The charge other charges; but this was not true, at least as regarded for the relief of the casual poor it was highly inexIreland nor Scotland, nor a considerable portion of land pedient to remove from the local control, which had in England. A surprising number of very considerable effected recently a considerable economy in its distriestates, and some very interesting tenures, were not bution. Altogether, he characterised the propositions originally subject to this charge. He stood opposite to as narrow and immature. They would purchase, at a a noble lord, the son of one of our greatest houses- cost of much trouble and complication, a relief not exone which had used its vast possessions generally for the ceeding threepence in the pound on the aggregate rates. honour and dignity of England-which certainly did Even this modicum of benefit would be monopolised not inherit or otherwise acquire those vast possessions by the landowner. He concluded by challenging subject to the provisions of the 43rd Elizabeth. But in Mr. Disraeli to reveal a little more of the threatened principle, if you say property was inherited subject to series-whose first member had turned out so inauspian impost, was it not also taken subject to laws which ciously and asked what had become of his sinking gave it an adventitious value, by securing a market and fund and the ad valorem duty.-The motion was supoffering a bonus ? With these general explanations ported by the Hon. M. CHARTERIS, Sir J. TYRELL, Mr. Disraeli stated, that the first point he would con- and Lord J. MANNERS; and opposed by Mr. HOBsider in committee would be the charges known in HOUSE and Mr. BRIGHT, who asked, how could Mr. Poor-law administration by the name of the establish- Disraeli's proposals satisfy the clamour which the ment charges. These he would have defrayed out of Protectionists had excited during the recess? The general revenue of the state, after the 25th March, 1850. self-called farmers' friends did not attempt to reThese are modern unlocal charges; by their transfer move the farmers' taxes by taking off the duties on local burdens would be diminished about 1,500,000l. tea, tobacco, and malt. Nor did they speak one word Secondly, he would deal with all rates raised by the about reforming the Game-laws, or appear willing to Poor law machinery which have nothing to do with the support the tenant compensation lately introduced into relief of the poor-excepting the police and county the house. The true prosperity of the cultivator and rates; charges for registering births and deaths, pre- the landlord would spring from the expansion of industry, paring jury and burgess lists, executing the Nuisances the increase of population, the improvement in wages, Act, the Sanatory Acts, the Vaccination Act, and such and the reduction of crime and pauperism-results that irrelevant matters: local burdens of this kind, amounting were rapidly following as the legitimate consequences of to 700,000/. for the United Kingdom, he would transfer free-trade.-Mr. H. DRUMMOND said that the farmer to the charge of the Consolidated Fund. Lastly, he had been accused of not knowing his business. Were would transfer to the charge of the general revenue of the learned men of Manchester much wiser? Did they the kingdom the whole cost of relieving the casual poor. know the scientific qualities of the pigments and drugs This was not even, at present, a parochial charge; it they used? Was not a school of design provided in was already paid out of a common fund-the union pity for their ignorance? Free trade had promoted rate. These propositions were just and practicable; some manufactures but destroyed others. It had annithey destroyed no old principles or machinery; and hilated the farming trade, cut down half the value of their cost might be well discharged out of that balance timber and bark, and reduced the produce of all the in the Exchequer of which we have heard much and land in England from 80s. to 40s. an acre. The dehope more.-Sir G. GREY rejoiced that the mountains struction of property on one side had surpassed its which had been prophesied in so many county meetings increase on another, and the whole system was one of had resulted in so harmless a proposition as that of class legislation. This was the first skirmish of the Mr. Disraeli. The hon. member had based his demands battle. The terms of free trade and protection were the upon an assumption of agricultural distress. He (Sir watchwords of the struggle between capital and labour, G. Grey) would not deny that distress existed; but he between wealth and life. He should vote for the prodenied that it had increased. The returns of crime and positions of Mr. Disraeli, but would vote also for placing pauperism were the best tests, and both concurred in the burdens upon the property of the rich, leaving the proving that destitution had diminished since 1848. In poor man free to drink untaxed beer, to build with untaxed passing on to the proposition of Mr. Disraeli, he sig- bricks, and grow hops, tobacco, or anything else he liked nalised the important omission of any reference to the law in his garden.-Captain D. PELHAM made some obof settlement. This law as it existed he admitted to bear servation, after which the debate was adjourned to heavily against the landed interest, and recommended Thursday. the subject to the attention of those who had constituted themselves the protectors of British industry. Mr. Disracli's proposals were founded upon a confusion of all descriptions of real property with the landed interest. Difficulties had always stood in the way of The debate was resumed on Thursday the 21st. Mr. STAFFORD supported the motion, and, among other observations, calculated that Ireland would be relieved by the transfer of burdens on land, amounting to 490,000%., to the Consolidated Fund.-Sir James GRA exactly reversed the account he gave of it. He then defended himself for his course upon the Corn-law-a course which, he said, he believed to have been his duty to God and to his country, and of the wisdom of which he was more confirmed than ever. Protection never could be revived; and the landed aristocracy would one day see that the abrogation of protection had established their just influence more firmly than ever.— Lord John RUSSELL supported and enforced the arguments of Sir James Graham and Sir R. Peel, and expressed some regret that Sir Robert had thought it worth his while to allude to the personal attacks made on him; feeling convinced that in the present as well as future time, full justice would be done to Sir Robert's motives (a testimony loudly cheered by the house).Lord Henry BENTINCK attempted to renew his previous attack, but was prevented from going on, by indignant exclamations from all parts of the house.-On the division, Mr. D'Israeli's motion was negatived by 273 to 252. On Monday the 25th, on the order of the day for going into committee on the Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, Mr. Disraeli urged its postponement till after the termination of the Irish assizes. This was opposed by ministers, and a pertinacious party struggle took place. After two divisions the house went into committee; but the committee was prevented from proceeding by a series of obstructive motions and divisions on them, to which ministers were forced to give way. HAM characterised the motion as a clever party manœuvre. Taken by themselves, the propositions would confer an almost imperceptible benefit on the landed interest. He had always enforced upon the agricultural body, to whom he himself belonged, the imprudence of legislating for themselves as a class distinct from the rest of the community. Eleven articles, all of them to be classed among the necessaries of the operative and manufacturing population, paid in taxes thirty-one millions annually. Was it equitable to add to this burden by transferring some of the load now resting upon realised property? The burdens on land were diminishing. A report drawn up in 1833 showed a condition of the landed interest under the sliding scale far more deplorable even than at present. What personal good management could effect, he exemplified by his own experience, the poor-rate, county-rate, and highway-rate in his neighbourhood having been reduced from 30 to 40 per cent. since he came into his property in 1822. The increased imports of guano and application for inclosure bills showed that agricultural enterprise was still lively. Land enjoyed many exemptions from taxation. Nothing was paid by it on descents, while personal properties had paid sixty millions in legacy duties since 1797. Stamps, servants, vehicles, and horses were also exempt from duty when they appertained to land and agriculture. The reliefs to which the landed interest was fairly entitled were the alleviation of burdens that checked improvement. Among these were the duties on brick and timber. If the incometax were re-enacted after its expiration next year, some On Tuesday the 26th, Mr. W. J. Fox moved for leave claim might also be urged for a revision of Schedule B, to bring in a bill for the Promotion of Secular Educawhich fixed the farmer's profits at half his rent; and tion. In a speech of great ability, he explained the even of Schedule A, where no allowance was made for nature of his measure. It provided that there should the landlord's expenses and repairs. Speaking of the be a government examination into the educational defigeneral condition of the English labourer, he declared ciency of each district in England, and that the inhathat in his own neighbourhood there had been no reduc- bitants should be invited to supply that deficiency, by tion of wages, while all articles of consumption had providing the means of adding to the numbers in existfallen, and the husbandman was able to enjoy more ing schools, and by instituting free schools in which no comforts than he had ever known before.-Mr. GLAD- religious system should be taught, except by desire of STONE expressed his intention to vote for the motion; the parents. Where a locality refused the invitation, but said he should not do so if he thought that it in- government should interfere, and compel it to do its volved a reversion of the Free-trade policy. He agreed duty. One of the advantages of this plan would be, that local management is a stimulus to economy; but that the sturdy independence of the lower class, which he would go into committee to consider the charges revolted against "charities," and objected to theological -such as establishment charges and the like-which do dogmas, would be won over to education. He said that, not need that check, and might therefore be transferred according to a Lancashire estimate, a rate of 4 d. in the to the Consolidated Fund. As a matter of justice, it is pound would provide schools all over England, against clear that property should be made liable for the main-which should be set the expected diminution in criminal tenance of the poor. He supported the motion mainly expenditure. After dwelling upon the necessity of because he thought it would have a tendency to lessen raising the standard of the teacher, he hoped that his the agitation for the restoration of protection, by draw- bill might be laid on the table of the house, and be ing off the moderate; and the struggling class which considered by the country, where thousands upon thounow makes its claim upon the house should be met with sands of children were growing up in savageness and aid and encouragement.-Sir R. PEEL admitted the crime.-Lord J. RUSSELL recognised the importance of existence of agricultural distress, for which he felt the subject, and the reality of the deficiency alluded to sincerely; but described it as exceptional, and owing to by Mr. Fox. He hoped the house would allow the special causes: similar distress existing in protected bill to be introduced; but whether the plan it included countries. He characterised Mr. Disraeli's proposition would meet all the vast difficulties of the question, he as a plan tending to shake confidence in public credit; would not at the present moment pronounce a definite and said that he should consider its adoption a most judgment. The statement as to the total failure of the precipitate and unwise act. And how could we remove existing societies to extend the means of instruction, he the tax upon bricks, timber, and other articles on which however believed to have been somewhat overcharged. relief might properly be given, if we took away from The noble lord trusted that something might result the exchequer the surplus which might justify such from the motion, and acknowledged the admirable spirit relief? And yet real property, by the repeal of the in which the subject had been approached by the hon. 500,000l. or 600,0001. of brick duty, would be gaining member for Oldham.-After observations from Mr. more real benefit than if the proposal of Mr. Disraeli Hume, Mr. Plumptre, Mr. B. Osborne, and others, were acceded to. Sir R Peel further objected to the leave was given to introduce the bill. proposal as a reversal of the financial policy of the country; and said that its adoption would render it an impossibility to repeal any tax, however objectionable. It would be an ill return to the mass of the people for their patience and loyalty to begin to reverse a policy which had made them so thankful. He (Sir Robert) had been charged with acting treacherously towards a certain interest. What reason (he asked, amid loud cheers), personal or political, could he have for such a course? He alluded to an attack made upon him by Lord H. Bentinck, who had accused him of having a pecuniary interest in supporting the funds as against Land. Lord H. Bentinck, in describing his (Sir Robert's) fortune, should, if he wished to speak truth, have Mr. FITZROY, for leave to bring in a bill Extending to 50%. the Jurisdiction of County Courts. The ATTORNEY GENERAL said he would not oppose the introduction of the bill, though he had serious objections to extending the powers of these courts. Leave was given, and the bill brought in. On Wednesday, the 27th, Mr. Stuart WORTLEY moved the second reading of the Marriages Bill, explaining that its main features were similar to the bill of last year, except that he had withdrawn the words which legalised marriage with a deceased wife's niece, and had also left it to the discretion of the clergy to solemnise the marriages with the deceased wife's sister or not, according to their conscience. Mr. THESIGER moved that February 5th.-Clergy Proceedings Bill read a first time. 11th.-Ecclesiastical Commission Bill read a second time. 12th.-Bill to shorten the Language of Acts of Parliament, brought in by Lord Brougham and read a first time. 18th.-Dolly's Brae; Lord Stanley's charges against the government, and Lord Clarendon's defence. 21st.-Irish Poor Law, Lord Desart's resolutions withdrawn. 22nd.-Royal assent given to County Cess (Ireland) Bill. 25th.-Ecclesiastical Commission Bill considered in committee. House of Commons.-January 31. Address and amendment moved; debate adjourned. February 1.-Division on the Address; carried by 311 to 192.-New writs ordered for Windsor and Colchester. 5th.-Mr. Horsman's motion respecting Ecclesiastical Commission debated and withdrawn. 6th.-Irish Law Reform; four Bills, viz., the Common Law Process, Court of Chancery, Registration of Deeds, and Judgments Bills, brought in by Sir J. Romilly.-Ceylon Inquiry; motion made by Mr. Hawes for re-appointment of committee; vote of censure proposed by Mr. Disraeli, and negatived by 140 to 68; amendment by Mr. Hume negatived by 109 to 100. House adjourned without putting the original question. 7th.-Mr. P. Scrope's motion for leave to bring in a Small Tenement Rating Bill negatived.-Lord D. Stuart's motion for papers on the affairs of Hungary debated and withdrawn.Mr. Macgregor's motion to incorporate a suburban district of London into a borough, vice Sudbury disfranchised, withdrawn. -Mr. S. Wortley's Marriages Bill read a first time. Mr. Anstey's motion for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal Penal Acts against Roman Catholics negatived. 11th.-Ceylon Committee re-appointed.-Pirates Head-money Repeal Bill read a second time.-Australian Colonies Bill read a first time.-Bills brought in for Improving the Mercantile Marine, Regulating the Merchant Seamen's Fund, and Regulating the Admeasurement of Merchant Shipping.-Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, and Electors (Ireland) Bill, ordered to be brought in. 12th.-New River Company's Water Bill, second reading postponed.-Process and Practice (Ireland) Bill read a second time. 15th.-Distressed Unions in Ireland, Lord John Russell's resolution for further aid.-Court of Chancery (Ireland) Bill read a second time.-Registrar's Office Bankruptcy Bill, reference to a Select Committee carried against Ministers. Merchant Shipping, Mercantile Shipping, and Merchant Seamen's Fund Bills, read a first time.-Army Estimates presented. Bill read a first time. 18th.-Australian Colonies Bill read a second time.-Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill read a first time.-Commons Enclosure 19th.-Party Processions (Ireland) Bill considered, as amended. 20th.-Address for a Royal Commission to Ceylon agreed to.Bankrupt and Insolvent Members Bill thrown out on second reading.-Benefices in Plurality Bill, Larceny Summary Jurisdiction Bill, and Tenants at Rackrent Relief Bill, read a second time. 21st.-Local Burdens on Land; Mr. D'Israeli's motion nega tived by 273 to 252. 22nd.-Party Processions Bill read a third time and passed.— Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, and Elections (Ireland) Bill, read a second time. Knowing how much he was execrated, he really should think he must move about in fear and dread. Even if Sir Robert Peel should ever have a majority again, he dared not take office. He knew that if he was in Sir Robert Peel's position, he should be afraid of the poniard and the dagger; and so he had a right to. (Here he was interrupted by loud cries of 'No-no!") He should be sorry to say what he did not feel, but he thought he was justified in saying what he had, seeing what a narrow escape Peel once had, when he was not so much execrated as he is now. He believed that Cobden and Peel were travelling the same road. Peel, he was informed, had a strong grudge against the aristocracy, because one of them in the House of Lords once called him a weaver's son. Sir Robert Peel's son need not be afraid of being called a weaver's son or a weaver's grandson, but he I would be called the traitor's son.'" Mr. Stafford, M.P., made the best apology he could for this language: he was sure Mr. Cheetham meant no harm, but his words might be misinterpreted. The usual Protectionist resolutions were passed. The County meeting at Brecon ended in a signal defeat of the Protectionists. Called by themselves, well attended, with Colonel Pearce, the High Sheriff, a man of their own party but of impartial mind, for chairman, it ended by carrying a Free-trade amendment by a decided majority. The County meeting at Bedford began in favour of the Protectionists, but ended in a virtual defeat. The townsmen of Bedford at the last moment crowded into the place of meeting, outnumbered the Protectionists, and threatened to carry Anti-Protectionist resolutions; to prevent which, the chairman dissolved the meeting prematurely. The Manchester Financial and Parliamentary Reform Association held a meeting in the Free-trade hall on the 29th ult., for the purpose of hearing addresses from Messrs. Cobden and Bright previously to their departure for their Parliamentary duties. Upwards of 8000 persons were present, including Messrs. Henry, M.P., Brown, M.P., Kershaw, M.P., Sir E. Armitage, Mr. H. Ashworth, and many other prominent friends of the movement. Mr. G. Wilson was in the chair, and stated the object of the attendance of the members of the association to be for the purpose of secking the cooperation of the meeting in favour of a scheme for enfranchising the people, to a certain extent, through Mr. Cobden addressed the freehold qualifications. meeting, exposing with great force the Protectionist fallacies at present so industriously propagated throughout the provinces, and showing the important purposes which might be accomplished by means of the freehold land movement. Mr. Bright followed, strongly and ably advocating the same course. Their speeches made a powerful impression on the immense assemblage. Several great meetings have been held in the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire, with the view of securing the integrity of the Ten Hours' Act, and subverting the mode of working by shifts and relays. In particular, a meeting of delegates was held at Bradford on the 23d inst.; another at Oldham on the 25th; and a meeting of power-loom overlookers at Manchester on the 26th; at all of which petitions to Parliament were adopted. having for several days marched through the streets deThere have been Serious Riots at Limerick; large mobs manding bread. Several bread-shops have been broken into and plundered, and in one shop the till was rifled of money. A large force of military and police was called out and captured a number of the rioters. Several of them were brought before the magistrates, and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. The great majority of them refused to go into the workhouse, and in parading the streets they frequently shouted "Bread or Blood." Archbishop Slattery has just issued a letter, addressed to the Catholic clergy and people of Cashel and Emly, denouncing the Queen's Colleges, on account of their grievous and intrinsic dangers, and in conformity with the judgment pronounced upon them by the Holy See, by which it is declared to be unlawful for Roman Catholics to encourage or frequent these institutions. Lord John Manners was returned for Colchester on the 6th, in opposition to Mr. Wingrove Cook. |