WE Continue to occupy our pages to a considerable extent with the affairs of the present war. The time will come we hope, at no distant day, when we may feel ourselves at liberty to turn to other topics of great public concern-possibly, inthe estimation of some of our readers, already too long neglected. But, for ourselves, we regard this war as the great political and moral crime of the period, and for which the administration of the day is to be held responsible before God and man. We must do our part to hold the guilty authors of it to their just accountability. It is true, that in many other respects and particulars, this administration deserves, in our judgment, the severest reprehension of the American people, and we shall not fail in due time to lend a hand, in our humble way, towards bringing all its extraordinary merits before the country, under the light of a calm, but thorough and searching, investigation and review. But at present, we confess, it is difficult for us to think of the administration in any other aspect or attitude, than such as has reference to this war. Whenever we turn our regards that way, we see its gaunt effigy before us in helmet and plume, and brandishing its bloody spear, instead of wearing, as it ought, the civic wreath, and the garments of peace. At present, therefore, we are forced to deal with it as a fighting administration; by and by,

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we may help to celebrate its civic virtues. Nor do we feel any apprehension lest the sympathy of our readers, and of the public, should not be found to go along with us in the feelings we indulge of the paramount interest which attaches to the whole subject of the war in which we are involved. One thing we know; that no more fatal proof could be given that the country was ripening for disastrous revolution and ruin, than would be afforded by the passive and unconcerned acquiescence of the people in such acts and proceedings, so shocking to every notion of constitutional authority and every feeling of common probity, as have marked the conduct of the executive and administration in nearly every thing which concerns our relations with Mexico and the war.

The subject to which this article will be devoted, is the mission of Mr. Slidell to Mexico. The administration having led the way into this war, manifests, as is very natural, a particular solicitude to make the most of every occurrence in our relations with Mexico, which might seem to afford the United States just ground of complaint against that power. The rejection of our minister was such an occurrence. As a mission of peace instituted by the administration, we are every way desirous, as between us and Mexico, that it should be set down to the national credit; but we are not disposed to let

this affair pass before the American people, for one of the causes of the present war, or as tending to justify, in any the slightest degree, that military demonstration, under executive orders, which has brought the country into its present difficulty. We think, too, and we mean to show why we think, that this mission might have been, and ought to have been made successful, notwithstanding the conduct of Mexico in regard to it; that a little less pretension and a little more patience would have done the work; and, in short, that if the President had been as sincerely anxious to restore friendly relations between the two powers, and secure a peace, on terms which ought to have satisfied a just and magnanimous nation, as he was to wring from the necessities, or the fears, of Mexico, concessions to gratify the spirit of territorial aggrandizement on our part, we should then have had peace, and this discreditable war would never have been heard of.

This mission was instituted under peculiar circumstances, and no doubt, in its inception, is to be taken as evidence of a sincere desire on the part of the President to bring about an accommodation with Mexico. We had then a serious difficulty pending with England, and two wars at one time were more than the administration was anxious to undertake. Besides the administration persuaded itself, no doubt, that if Mexico would consent to open negotiation at all with this country so soon after annexation-the great measure of offence-without striking a blow, she was probably ready, from the same considerations of inexorable fate and necessity, not only to submit, without a word, to the excision of Texas from her empire according to its ancient limits, but to yield also, on easy terms, other large portions of coveted territory besides. The public have not been permitted to see the instructions furnished to Mr. Slidell; but we venture to say, when they shall come to light, it will be found that they contemplated the most important territorial acquisitions. In this, as in every thing else connected with this Mexican business, we believe it will finally appear that the administration has acted on the most erroneous and mistaken estimate of the Mexican

character.

To judge correctly of this mission, we must begin with recurring to the very singular attitude in which the two countries then stood towards each other.

Mexico had denounced annexation by anticipation; she had declared that she should regard it as a hostile act towards her, to be met, on her part, with the most determined resistance. Her minister was withdrawn from this country, and she refused to admit Mr. Shannon, our minister in that country, to any official intercourse with that government, and he was finally, after several months' useless delay, compelled to return to the United States. "Since that time," says the President in his annual message to Congress of December, 1845, Mexico has, until recently, occupied an attitude of hostility towards the United States-has been marshaling and organizing armies, issuing proclamations, and avowing the intention to make war on the United States, either by an open declaration, or by invading Texas." And this attitude of hostility on her part was met by corresponding preparations and movements by our government. An efficient military force was moved to the right bank of the Nueces, and thus took up a position quite across the extreme western boundary of Texas proper, and looking towards Mexico, while the Mexican coasts in the Gulf were occupied by our navy. Such was the state of things between the two countries when the attempt to bring about an accommodation was made by our government.

Information had been received at Washington, which satisfied the government that Mexico was not at all likely to make any actual warlike demonstration, though she still maintained, and probably would continue to maintain, an attitude of hostility. It was believed that she was ready to be conciliated and such undoubtedly was the fact. The government was then in the hands of Herrera, who was sincerely desirous of coming to a satisfactory arrangement with the United States. This is testified to on all hands. Accordingly, in the month of September (1845), instructions were sent from Washington to our consul at Mexico, to ascertain from the Mexican government whether they would receive an envoy from the United States, intrusted with full power to adjust all the questions in dispute between the two governments." In October, the proposition was submitted to the Mexican minister of state by Mr. Black, the consul, in the precise language of his instructions. The reply was promptly given by the minister, in terms which we shall