twenty-five years ago, at least thirty individuals might have been reckoned in Great Britain actively employed in chemical investigations; now, we can scarcely reckon ten. Some cause must exist for this retrogradation, so different from what is exhibited on the Continent, especially in France and in Germany. It must be ascribed, we fear, to the way in which the science has been hitherto taught in this country, namely, by lectures only, with illustrative experiments. Our Universities, however, have begun to perceive, that in order to form chemists, something more is necessary; that the student must have the means of practical instruction in the details of analysis, and all the operations of the Laboratory; in other words, that he must have the means of acquiring the art of experimental chemistry by regulated practice. Classes for instruction in Practical Chemistry have, accordingly, been lately instituted in the Universities both of Edinburgh and Glasgow; and from those, if properly supported and conducted, it is reasonable to anticipate the most beneficial results.

The utility of such practical instruction has been long felt and acted upon abroad. There are several Practical Schools of chemistry in Paris. Berthier takes twenty practical pupils at the Ecole des Mines. Vauquelin takes several; so does Laugier ; not to mention Robiquet, and various other apothecaries, who possess the knowledge of the practical details of chemistry in perfection. Stromeyer has long taught a practical class at Gottingen. Berzelius has done the same at Stockholm, where various excellent analytical chemists have been educated.

No nation in Europe has made a greater figure in chemistry than Britain. The number and importance of her discoveries will bear a comparison with those of any other country whatever. But the nature of the science has been so much altered by the discovery of the Atomic Theory,-the minute accuracy now necessary for experimenting is so great, that genius alone, without practical skill, cannot be expected to succeed. We therefore hope that the business of practical instruction will be vigorously prosecuted and extended in all our great Seminaries. If it shall be otherwise, Britain must, we fear, descend from her eminence in chemical science, and be content to receive from others that information and instruction which she was wont to communicate from her own stores.

ART. XV.-A Letter Addressed to the Earl of Aberdeen, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. By HENRY GALLY KNIGHT, Esq.

London. 1829.

TH HIS Letter appears to be written without any party motive, and merely to give vent to the strong feelings of regret which were excited in the author's mind, by comparing the estimation he had seen his country held in, when he visited the Continent in 1828, and in the present year. The pride and the pleasure ' which I had before experienced,' he says, 'were changed into other emotions. England was no longer the object of univer'sal approbation-she was no longer considered as the enlightened advocate of liberal principles abroad; she was accused of having joined the party which is opposed to the cause of freedom; and this at the very time when her home policy was con'ducted in a manner which deserved and received the highest 'praise. Was it possible for an Englishman to witness so re'markable a change in the estimation in which his country was held, without feelings of the deepest mortification?'

That such an opinion prevails, not only in France, but in Italy and Germany, we have the best reason to believe: But we cannot bring ourselves to think that there is any foundation for the charge of our once more joining the worn-out despotism of the Continent, patronizing the narrow and hateful principles of less enlightened ages, and opposing the desire of rational and constitutional liberty, which, except among the rabble of Lisbon and Madrid, may be said to prevail universally among the people of Europe, from one end of it to the other. If, unhappily, it should be found that we are mistaken, assuredly it will well become the body of the community in this country to let their disapproval of such courses be clearly manifested, in order that we may not be once more punished for the faults of our rulers. For, one thing is quite certain: the French nation, with whom it is our highest interest to be on friendly terms, feel almost as one man upon these subjects; and, as the opinion and wish of an immense majority of Great Britain and Ireland coincides with them, nothing can possibly tend more to perpetuate peace between the two countries, than preserving the relations of kindness between the inhabitants at large of bothand nothing could happen more likely to endanger those pacific relations, than the prevalence of a belief that the English government represented the sentiments of the people, when it evinced, if it ever should evince, any disposition to resume the policy of 1818 and 1821,

In this point of view, it must be a matter of unfeigned regret to every lover of his country, whether he regards her honour or her interests, that an opinion should have become prevalent of the English government having exerted its influence to recommend the formation of the present strange and incomprehensible Ministry in France. That any men of ordinary sagacity should ever have dreamt of encouraging so wild a speculation, is wholly incredible. Our government may have been desirous to see some change in the French administration; but such a change as was effected, no person in his senses could wish for. But we are rather anxious to vindicate the country than its rulers; and certainly, though the people of France might more quickly perceive the outrage offered to them, and more deeply resent it, because they, of course, knew more intimately the materials of which the new cabinet was composed, yet was the astonishment at this strange sight nearly as universal in England; and there is hardly a difference, either of opinion or of wish, respecting the fate of the rash experiment which has been made upon the patience of our neighbours. It would be doing the greatest injustice to the well-informed part of the community, if the French people were to imagine, because of the singular language held by some few liberal journals amongst us, that there really exists any difference between the popular feeling on the opposite sides of the Channel. A hearty contempt for the new Ministry—a deep indignation at the unprincipled conduct of these intriguers, the meanness of whose capacity forms so striking a contrast with the temerity of their projects-an earnest wish to see the scheme signally defeated-but, above all, an anxious hope that this may be effected without peril to the internal tranquillity of France, or her peaceful intercourse with her neighbours-these sentiments, beyond a doubt, prevail among all the better part of the people here; and, we fondly trust, are only shared with the bulk of the community in that great and enlightened country.

The history of the event to which we are alluding appears as plain as any thing can be, which is, to a certain degree, involved in the mystery of court intrigue. The Ultra-Royalist and Priest Party, having unhappily the ear of the French King, persuaded him to form an administration which should act in accordance with their views. Belonging to that class of whom Talleyrand as wisely as wittily remarked, that they had neither learned any thing, nor forgotten any thing, since the emigration, these advisers of the Crown lived in the centre of Paris,-its meetings, its chambers, its coteries, its journals, with as little idea of all that was passing around them, as if they had been buried in the darkness and silence of a monastery, or cut off, by physical defects, from inter

course with the living world. The only point to be gained, they fancied, was the King's consent to make a cabinet to their liking. The feeling and opinion of the country they no more dreamt of consulting, than if they had lived in Turkey. They did carry their object; and were first awakened to a sense of the position into which they had brought the King and the dynasty, by the burst of indignation that resounded from every part of France, and has already shaken the whole establishment of the state. The Court may possibly have the tardy wisdom to avoid bringing on a crisis by persisting in this hazardous attempt; and then it will only have weakened its influence, and rendered the formation of a liberal government upon moderate principles more difficult. If it perseveres in its present course, a signal discomfiture in the Chambers awaits it, and a far more wide-spreading change may be expected to result from the delay.

We have expressed our unfeigned disbelief of the rumours which ascribe the formation of this new Ministry to any influence exerted by the English government. It seems wholly impossible that our Ministers should have regarded it with any but feelings of alarm for the peace both of France and of Europe. But the impression which prevails among our neighbours is unfortunately very different; and it behoves our rulers to lose no time in disclaiming all share in the bad work which has excited sach just indignation. Indeed, any interference whatever on their part would have been unpardonable. What have they to do with the changes of French Ministers? What change effected by their interference, or under their advice, could, in the present temper of the French people, prove otherwise than hateful? Even the establishment of a liberal Ministry, or a Ministry in all other respects popular, would almost of necessity become suspicious in the eyes of the nation, if it was believed to have been brought about by English influence. Such irritation may subside in a little time; but till then, the Minister who intermeddles with the Cabinet-making of the Tuileries, endangers that dear-bought peace, the conservation of which is the first, and middle, and last of his duties towards his country. And even after all sore and angry feelings shall have been worn out, the only safe and honourable course for our government will always be, to stand aloof from the court intrigues and domestic factions of our neighbours, and to pursue the line of conduct which may best tend to promote a friendly spirit between the two nations.

Whad intended to go more at large into this most important subject; but we find that we have neither time nor space left to pursue it father at present. We would fain hope, indeed, that it may never be ecessary to resume it; and that we may soon be

enabled to refer to explicit declarations, or overt acts, on the part of our government, of such a nature as to put down effectually the accusations to which we have alluded: And in the meantime we trust that no opportunity will be lost by those who have the means of collecting and reporting the public feeling and opinion, to confirm and repeat the testimony we have now ventured to give as to its true character and direction in the quarters to which we have access.

No. C. will be published in January.