Edmund Ludlow.

BORN A.D. 1621.—died A. D. 1693.

EDMUND LUDLOw, one of the firmest and most straightforward republicans of the commonwealth, was the son of Sir Henry Ludlow, a gentleman of ancient family and large fortune in Wiltshire. The fa mily being held in great esteem, enjoyed the honour of having its members frequently chosen to represent the county of Wilts in parliament; and Sir Henry appears to have deserved the confidence of his fellow-countrymen as an assertor of their rights against the attacks of arbitrary power. His son, Edmund, was born at Maiden-Bradley in the year 1620; and after taking the degree of bachelor of arts, in 1636, at Trinity college, Cambridge, he removed to the Temple, where he was studying the law at the breaking out of the civil war. His father was, at the same time, one of the popular members of the long parliament, and his example and encouragement increased the ardour of his son in the maintenance of the same principles. Young Ludlow accordingly took up arms-having previously alongst with Richard Fynes, son of Lord Say, and Charles Fleetwood, son of Sir Miles Fleetwood, endeavoured to assemble together as many as possible of the gentlemen of the inns of court for the same purpose-and was entered one of the life-guard raised for the earl of Essex, the parliamentary general. In this capacity he followed Essex to Worcester, and was present at the battle of Edgehill. When Sir Edward Hungerford was appointed by the parliament to the command of some forces in Wiltshire, Ludlow accompanied him; and having been instrumental in raising a troop of horse, was appointed governor of Warder castle, which, when invested by some of the king's forces, he defended as long as the weakness of the fortifications would permit.

While Ludlow was lying in Warder castle, his father died; an event probably hastened by his constant labours in the public service, and by his affliction for the death of another son, Captain Robert Ludlow, who, having been taken prisoner by the king's troops, had sunk under the effects of harsh usage. When forced to surrender Warder castle, in 1644, Ludlow and the rest of the garrison were carried to Oxford as prisoners of war; but after about three weeks' confinement, he and several others were exchanged; and arriving next day at London, he obtained, through the earl of Essex, an exchange for the whole of the garrison. He was then appointed sheriff of Wilts by the parliament, and went as major of Sir Arthur Hazlerig's regiment of horse in the army under Sir William Waller, whom he accompanied when he went to blockade Oxford. After retiring into Wiltshire, and being engaged in raising men for the service of the parliament, he again joined Waller's army, and was present at the second battle of Newbury. On the general remodelling of the army, in consequence of the self-denying ordinance, the committee would have named him to the command of a regiment, but that purpose was defeated by a combination of persons anxious for his removal, as a person not to be depended upon for the prosecution of factious views.

He was not, however, long destitute of employment in the public service, for about this time a writ having been issued for the election of two members for the county of Wilts in the room of his father, and of Sir John Thynne, who had gone over to the king, he was elected, alongst with the second son of the earl of Pembroke. The jealousy of the presbyterian and independent parties had already weakened the influence of the parliament, and opened the way to the success of the ambitious plans which Cromwell had now began to entertain. Though Ludlow suspected the designs of the future protector, yet being attached to the independent and republican party, he was one of the members who went down to the army, and with their assistance excluded the leading members of the presbyterian party from the house, thereby encouraging the lawless measures which the leaders of the army carried into effect against the whole parliament, when it suited their designs to throw off even the appearance of submission. But Ludlow became every day more jealous of the purposes of Cromwell and his followers. He tells us that he was the only member of the house who opposed the vote of thanks to Cromwell for putting down the agitators in the army; and some time afterwards, he was sent down to Windsor to procure the release of some of the levellers who had been imprisoned. He was equally averse to any treaty with the king, and when there appeared to be a prospect of the parliament agreeing to one in 1648, he went down to Fairfax and Ireton, then at the siege of Colchester, to secure their co-operation against any such attempt. The army was ready enough of itself to adopt such a line of conduct, as was testified by their famous remonstrance, presented to the parliament, 20th Nov., 1648; and when the parliament were ready to close with the king's proposals, Ludlow was one of those who advised the forcible exclusion of certain members-a measure known by the name of Colonel Pride's purge-and was present when guards were placed in Westminster-hall, the court of requests, and the lobby of the house, that none might be permitted to pass into it but such as were known to be hostile to any treaty with the king. Such interferences with the legislative authority were of dangerous example; but in the politics of those unsettled times, the best friends of liberty were led to the adoption of measures which cannot be reconciled with the ideas of a more peaceful age.

Convinced of the necessity and the justice of executing Charles. Ludlow approved of and took part in the proceedings of the high court of justice, of which he was a member; and after the death of the king, was chosen one of the five persons to whom was committed the selection of the council of state. When chosen, Ludlow and his four colleagues were added to it by the house. When Cromwell went on his expedition against the Scots, Ludlow was, on his recommendation, sent over under Ireton to Ireland, as lieutenant-general of the horse; and was, at the same time, appointed one of the commissioners for the administration of civil affairs in that island. He was present at the siege of Limerick, and assisted in reducing various places in the counties of Clare, Wicklow, Galway, Fermanagh, and elsewhere. On the death of Ireton, the commissioners of parliament issued a letter to the officers of the forces in Ireland, requiring them to yield obedience to Lieutenant-general Ludlow, as next in command to the late deputy.

But this appointment being by no means pleasing to Cromwell, Ludlow was soon afterwards superseded by Fleetwood, who went over in. vested with the chief authority under the title of lieutenant-general. When Cromwell finally dissolved the long parliament, Ludlow without hesitation expressed disapprobation of his conduct; and used his utmost efforts to oppose the protector's usurpation. He suceceded in preventing the proclamation of Cromwell in Dublin for a fortnight; but that measure being at last resolved upon by the council on the casting vote of a Mr Roberts, the auditor-general, he positively refused to sign the order, or to be present at the ceremony. From this time he refused to act any longer in his civil capacity of commissioner of the parliament, though he continued to exercise his military office; and he refused to countenance the proposal that Cromwell and his council should nominate the thirty Irish members, who were to sit in the parliament at Westminster in virtue of Cromwell's instrument of government; a proposal made under the apprehension, that with any thing like a free election, only enemies of the English interest would be returned.

As might have been expected, Ludlow's conduct excited the protector's fears, which, in conjunction with the fact of his having circulated some copies of the army-petition to Cromwell, led to his being deprived of his command. He would not, however, deliver up his commission to any other authority than that of the parliament, and desired leave to return to England, which he could not obtain. After a good deal or negotiation, it was at last settled that he should be allowed to go, on giving his word to appear before Cromwell, and not to act against him in the meantime. But his departure was delayed by Fleetwood, under various pretences, till Henry Cromwell came over, when Ludlow, wearied out by the delay, and having the passport of Fleetwood, went on board the ship of war which had been ordered to convey him to England, and set sail neither with the permission, nor against the order of the new governor.

On reaching Beaumaris, however, he found one Captain Shaw, who had been despatched by Cromwell and the rest of the council, with an order to detain him there till the protector's pleasure should be known. He was detained, accordingly, for no less than six weeks, but was at last allowed to proceed to London, under an engagement to do nothing against the existing government before surrendering himself a prisoner at Whitehall. There he had an interview with the protector himself (Dec. 1655), but he could not be persuaded to grant an absolute engagement not to act against him. When Cromwell called his second parliament, he was again summoned before the council, with several other patriots, and another unsuccessful attempt was made to get from him such an obligation. Upon his refusal he was ordered into custody, but was allowed to remain in his own lodgings; and was afterwards permitted to go down to Essex with his wife, and father and mother-in-law, where he spent the summer. At the general election, however, notwithstanding the illegal interference of the major-general of the county, he was proposed as a candidate, and supported by a large body of the freeholders of Wiltshire. He was elected to the parliament called after the death of the protector, where he sat for some time without taking the oath required of every member not to contrive

any thing against the authority of the new protector; but being at last perceived, and it being proposed that the oath should be put to him, a debate arose, though the question was evaded by the discovery of a person in the house who had not been elected at all, and against whom the indignation of the members was immediately directed. In this parliament, Ludlow continued a steady adherent of the commonwealth party, whose hopes had again been raised by the death of Oliver, and the dissensions which had arisen in the army between the Wallingfordhouse party and that of Richard Cromwell. Ludlow took an active share in the negotiations between the former faction and the republicans, which ended in the resignation of Richard Cromwell, and the restitution of the long parliament.

When the long parliament was revived, Ludlow took his seat as one of the members, elated by the aspect of public affairs, and the renovation of a body whose power had been too openly disregarded ever to be permanently restored. He was, at the same time, appointed to the command of a regiment, which he accepted, as he saw the necessity of the republicans having influence in the army, to control the Wallingfordhouse party, which, from the first, displayed symptoms of disaffection to the cause of the commonwealth. He was also appointed one of the 21 members of parliament chosen to compose the council of state; and was named one of the commissioners for the nomination of officers to be approved of by the parliament. Meanwhile, the Wallingford-house party, dissatisfied with many of the proceedings adopted, drew up an address to the house embodying their wishes, some of which were very reasonable. By supporting some of the views contained in this address, Ludlow was unjustly accused of espousing the interests of the army against the parliament. Having been appointed commander of the forces in Ireland, he took the employment only under the condition that when he had restored that country to tranquillity, he should be at liberty to return to England. He remained, however, for some time in London, busily engaged in the schemes of that feverish time, but always acting an honest part, and supporting those proposals which were most likely to secure the establishment of a free and equal commonwealth, and exerting himself to remove the jealousies between the parliament and the army, as the only means of keeping down the common enemy. His conduct in Ireland was regulated by the same motive; he endeavoured to promote union, and, by new-modelling the army, to advance those who he thought had given the best proofs of their affection to the public interest. But affairs in England becoming every day more unsettled, he imagined that his services there might be of importance, and accordingly hastened his departure. On his arrival at Beaumaris, he found to his dismay, that the army had again controlled the parliament, and assumed the power into its own hands. And this account being confirmed on his arrival at Chester, he exhorted the troops to remain faithful to the parliament, and pursued his journey to London without delay.

On his arrival in London, Fleetwood endeavoured to persuade him to attend the meetings of the council of officers, but he desired to be excused from intermeddling in their consultations. He now began to think all the time lost that he had spent in endeavouring to unite so many broken and divided councils, but he consented to act for the officers in

Ireland, at the general council of officers, (two being chosen from each regiment, with the exception of those in Monk's army,) which was held in the hope of coming to some agreement. Several days were spent in debate upon the form of government to be adopted, during which the restitution of the parliament was warmly advocated by Ludlow. Disappointed in his hopes of a reconciliation between the contending parties, he resolved to return to Ireland: but, before leaving London, he had the satisfaction of learning the intention of the officers again to call together the long parliament. In Ireland, however, he met with a gloomy enough reception. He could not land at Dublin, as he found

that a party of horse had been sent down to his house to seize him; and though received with great demonstrations of joy at Duncannon, he was immediately blockaded there by Captain Scot, who had been despatched by the council to notice the place which had thus admitted him to submission. The council, at the same time, circulated a letter justifying their conduct, and full of unfounded accusations against the lieutenant-general. He had scarcely drawn up an answer to this letter, when he heard to his astonishment, that the parliament had thanked the officers in Dublin for what they had done; and, within a week, the same persons sent him a letter, signed by the speaker, and desiring his attendance in parliament to give an account of the state of affairs in Ireland. These letters satisfied him that the parliament was in a state of complete dependence; but he resolved on immediately obeying their commands, a resolution in which he was still further confirmed on hearing that they had received a charge of high treason against him, as well as Mr Miles Corbet, Colonel Jones, and Colonel Thomlinson. Ludlow's whole conduct disproved the charge made against him, of assisting the army in England, and doing acts of hostility, by sea and land, against those in Ireland who had declared for the parliament; yet, on moving the house to hear him in his justification, all he could obtain was to have a day appointed for that purpose, which was afterwards several times delayed, till the dissipation, as he expresses it, of those who should have been his judges.

The arrival of Monk in London at first excited the expectations of the commonwealth party, but his ambiguous conduct soon raised their suspicions. The restoration of the secluded members satisfied them that he was hostile to the continuance of their authority, which was finally extinguished by the passing of the act for the dissolution of the long parliament, and the calling together of a new one. To this, the convention parliament, Ludlow was returned as one of the members for the burgh of Hindon. He took his seat in the house the day that the commissioners whom the parliament had resolved to send to the king at Breda were to be nominated; but he would have nothing to do with the matter. In the afternoon of the same day, he sat in the committee on elections; and, on another day, he went with the house to hear a sermon. He did not appear again, as a resolution had passed to seize the persons of all who had signed the warrant for the execution of the late king, and he even found it necessary to consult his safety by frequently changing the place of his abode, from one of which he had the mortification of witnessing the entry of Charles II. into the city. He had now some difficulty in determining whether he should take advantage of the proclamation requiring the surrender of the late king's