dered at home and desolated abroad. . . . But the superstitious days of arbitrary dominion and holy errors are fast falling away; the chief magistrate of an enlightened people must learn to know and respect its delegated authority-and must look for power and fame to the welfare of the people. . . . We trust that your Majesty will not permit either of the factions who live on abuses, and profit at the expense of the millions, to persuade you to any course of policy other than that of right and justice. . . . It is not just, that out of a population of twenty-five millions of people, only eight hundred thousand should have the power of electing what is called the Commons' House of Parliament.

The naive faith of the association in political reform as a panacea for all evil can be seen from the address, which was sent in 1837 to the American "brethren ", extolling the political liberty and institutions enjoyed by the workingmen in the United States, and at the same time conveying deep surprise at the fact that they had not progressed any further after sixty years of freedom: 1

Why are you, to so great an extent, ruled by men who speculate on your credulity and thrive by your prejudices? Why have lawyers a preponderating influence in your country?... Why has so much of your fertile country been parcelled out between swindling bankers and grinding capitalists who seek to establish (as in our own country) a monopoly in that land which nature bestowed in common to all her children? Why have so many of your cities, towns, railroads, canals, and manufactories, become the monopolized property of those "who toil not, neither do they spin "?-while you, who raised them by your labors, are still in the position of begging leave to erect others, and to establish for them similar monopolies?

In the general election of 1837, the most outspoken Liber

1 Lovett, op. cit., pp. 130, 131.

als, S. Crawford, Colonel Thompson and Roebuck, were defeated by the united opposition of the Whigs and Tories. Far from being discouraged, the London Working Men's Association called a meeting of the Committee of Twelve which had been appointed to prepare the bill. The committee then authorized Roebuck and Lovett to draft the document. With the exception of the preamble which was written by Roebuck, the bill was prepared by Lovett, after having consulted Francis Place as to its form and legal technicalities. The original draft contained a provision for the suffrage of women. This was discarded as it was feared that such demand might retard the suffrage of men. After some other changes were made, Lovett's Bill was finally approved by the Committee of Twelve and then by the London Working Men's Association. This bill was designated the " People's Charter".1 Daniel O'Connell, who before long deserted the ranks of the Chartists, virulent in his opposition till the day of his death, is credited with exclaiming, while handing the bill to Lovett, "There, Lovett, is your Charter; agitate for it, and never be content with anything else."

The People's Charter was published on the 8th of May, 1838, and was sent broadcast together with an address, which was signed by Henry Hetherington, Treasurer, and William Lovett, Secretary, and which contained a popular exposition of the principles of the Charter and the plan for obtaining it:

Having frequently stated the reasons for zealously espousing the great principles of reform, we have now endeavored to set them forth. We need not reiterate the facts and unrefuted arguments which have so often been stated and urged in their support. Suffice it to say, that we hold it to be an

1 See Appendix B.

axiom in politics, that self-government, by representation, is the only just foundation of political power-the only true basis of constitutional rights-the only legitimate parent of good laws; and we hold it as an indubitable truth that all government which is based on any other foundation, has a perpetual tendency to degenerate into anarchy or despotism; or to beget class and wealth idolatry on the one hand, or poverty and misery on the other.

While, however, we contend for the principle of self-government, we admit that laws will only be just in proportion as the people are enlightened; on this, socially and politically, the happiness of all must depend; but, as self-interest, unaccompanied by virtue, ever seeks its own exclusive benefit, so will the exclusive and privileged classes of society ever seek to perpetuate their power and to proscribe the enlightenment of the people. Hence we are induced to believe that the enlightenment of all will sooner emanate from the exercise of political power by all the people, than by their continuing to trust to the selfish government of the few.

A strong conviction of these truths, coupled as that conviction is with the belief that most of our political and social evils can be traced to corrupt and exclusive legislation, and that the remedy will be found in extending to the people at large the exercise of those rights now monopolized by a few, has induced us to make some exertions towards embodying our principles in the Charter.

We are the more inclined to take some practicable step in favor of reform, from the frequent disappointments the cause has experienced. We have heard eloquent effusions in favor of political equality from the hustings, and the senatehouse, suddenly change into prudent reasonings on property and privileges, at the winning smile of the minister. We have seen depicted in glowing language bright patriotic promises of the future, which have left impressions on us more lasting than the perfidy or apostacy of the writers. . ..

The object we contemplate in the drawing up of this bill is to cause the Radicals of the kingdom to form, if possible, a

concentration of their principles in a practical form, upon which they could be brought to unite, and to which they might point, as a Charter they are determined to obtain.

We intend that copies of it shall be forwarded to all the Working Men's Associations and to all Reform Associations in the kingdom to which we can have access, and we hereby call upon them, in the spirit of brotherhood, to examine, suggest, and improve upon it, until it is so perfected as to meet, as far as possible, with general approbation. When it is so far improved, and has received their sanction, we intend that it shall be presented to Parliament, and we trust that petitions will not be wanting to show how far we are united in demanding its enactment. We hope, also, that electors and nonelectors will continue to make it the pledge of their candidates; will seek to extend its circulation; talk over its principles; and resolve that, as public opinion forced the Whig Reform Bill, so in like manner shall this bill eventually become the law of England.

The publication of the People's Charter gave a fresh impetus to the enthusiasm of the universal suffragists. The best talents of the Working Men's Associations and other radical societies joined in a gigantic effort to obtain the immediate enactment of the Charter. The vague and ambiguous phraseology of the London Working Men's Association gave place to a determined expression of class consciousness. The general press cautioned against the Chartist missionaries who were branded as scoundrels, firebrands, plunderers, knaves, and assassins. The people, however, paid little heed to these warnings and eagerly demonstrated their general approbation" of the Charter in a series of grand meetings and parades.

CHAPTER VII

THE LEADERS

THE years 1838 and 1839 were the most auspicious for the Chartist Movement. Instigated by the acute economic distress, the people were in the mood to follow almost anybody who could stimulate their indignation to activity. The leaders seemed to have realized this and vied with each other in their endeavors to gain the confidence of the working class. The response of the people, however, was too spontaneous, almost volcanic, to allow the establishment of any efficient and responsible organization. As in every mass movement, many a leader was swept off his feet in the whirlwind of universal protest against the existing régime. Instead of leading, they were made to follow, and, at best, to agitate. This for a time saved the ranks of the Chartists from complete disruption, although it was an open secret that there were "two parties in the Chartist ranks," and, what is more, that they had "different objects in view," that these two parties were "decidedly hostile to each other," and that no union could ever take place between the "honest or determined Chartists and the weak, vacillating and scheming Chartists." 1

The most essential difference, which was of prime importance for the evolutionary period of the movement, lay in the mode of agitation. The People's Charter emanated, as we have seen, from the London Working Men's Association,

1 The London Democrat, April 20, 1839.