WH

No. IV.

By F. H. TURNOCK,

OF WINNIPEG (Manitoba).

Civis Romanus Sum.")

HEN we look back into the past and note the present condition of the various empires that have from time to time held the foremost positions in the world's history, we are tempted to ask ourselves the question, What position will the British Empire occupy one hundred years hence? Is she, as some pessimists would have us believe, destined within that period to meet the fate that has befallen so many mighty empires, to disappear like Assyria and Persia, or decline like Spain? or will she, as we hope, continue to hold, if anything, in a greater degree than at present, the proud position which so becomes her, of leader of civilization, the mother of commerce and the seas, to which, as in Joseph's dream, all her contemporaries shall bow and make obei

sance ?

We believe that the solution of this question rests mainly with the present generation, and that the action of her subjects for the next quarter of a century will decide whether she is still to pursue her onward course, or whether the summit of her greatness has been reached and the period of her decadence is at hand.

Those historic empires seemed in their day as prosperous as the British Empire appears now,-yet they fell; and, as history repeats itself, it is not improbable that the empire which is to-day the most exalted, may to-morrow be humbled in the dust. However, the page of history is spread open before us, and it is for us to examine into the circumstances which operated in causing the

downfall of these nations, and apply the conclusions we arrive at to our own. If we find we are suffering from the same weaknesses that undermined their strength, let us at once seek to remedy them, lest a like evil come upon us.

chief causes of the One by one those

What then, for example, was one of the overthrow of the great Roman Empire? possessions which had been obtained by the expenditure of so much blood and treasure were allowed to lapse into such independence as to league themselves with those barbarians who subsequently overthrew this great empire. We read that one of these colonies, a little island in the Atlantic Ocean, after Rome had withdrawn her protection, implored her in the following pathetic terms: "The barbarians drive us into the sea. The sea throws us back on the swords of the barbarians; so we have nothing left but the wretched choice of being either drowned or butchered." This appeal met with no response, and the unlucky colony had to shift for itself. By the irony of fate that despised little island to-day occupies the exalted position that Rome did then, and it will be well for her if she profits by the mistakes, lest she meet the fate, of her great prototype.

With this object in view, it would perhaps be as well that we should take a glance at the relations existing between Great Britain and her colonies and dependencies at the present time, and see if they are those that are most likely to conduce to the stability and well-being of the empire.

Born in the mother-land, with many strong ties yet binding us to it, and living now in one of her colonies to which we have come with the intention of remaining, and where we have contracted ties of almost equal strength, we feel that we can approach this subject in an unprejudiced manner.

In the United Kingdom we find amongst the mass of the population a great amount of ignorance on colonial affairs. There is, it is true, a vague sort of idea that England has possessions somewhere in the Antipodes, comprised under the general term Australia, where people find gold or go sheep-farming; that there are possessions in America, where snow is on the ground nearly all the year round, where people go about muffled up in

and the noble red deer reigns in all his glory; and that in

the south of Africa there is territory which is a great source of trouble, occasioning now and then an inglorious war, for which the British workman complains that he is taxed;-but beyond this not much is generally known. There is no very definite idea as to how these colonies are governed, or their geographical extent. In fact the errors made in this latter subject, even by some of the leading newspapers, are quite amusing. Of course the learned few, and those whose business requires that they shall know something concerning the colonies, are better informed; but even persons who are on most subjects well informed, show surprising ignorance on colonial matters. This ignorance is, however, happily being overcome to some extent by the dissemination of maps, pamphlets, and information by the emigration agents of the various colonies. The Colonial and Indian Exhibition also served greatly to draw the attention of the public to the extent and resources of the colonies, and induced more to take an interest in them and in their welfare than have done so previously.

With this ignorance prevailing in the old country in respect of colonial matters, it is scarcely surprising that the average colonist does not form a very favourable opinion of the British public, nor is it to be wondered at that the colonists feel themselves slighted and are annoyed that they are not appreciated at their true value. This unfavourable opinion, we regret to say, the majority of emigrants from the old country to the colonies do not tend to remove. It generally takes them some time to get rid of their old-country habits and adopt those of their new neighbours, which are in the colonists' eyes much superior. So the British public has a reputation for being slow and unprogressive, and, generally speaking, "away behind the times." As a matter of fact there is not quite that brotherly love existing between the colonists and the old country that some enthusiasts would have us believe. Colonists who have visited the old country have of course a more favourable opinion of Britishers, but these are the exception, not the rule. The average colonist has, however, a better idea of England than the Englishman has of the colonies. He is well acquainted with its geography and history, and has a fair conception of events that are transpiring there. His views

on British politics cannot be said to be very reliable, but considering he has not much interest in them, he is fairly well informed. Though the colonist is as a rule a very loyal subject of Her Majesty, and unites with his old-country cousin in common admiration of the prowess and achievements of their ancestors, a careful observer will not fail to have noticed a certain amount of friction in their intercourse. So far, socially, things are not quite so satisfactory as they might be. Politically, they are worse. The old-country man looks at the matter in this wise.

Of what benefit to England are her colonies? Virtually they are so many independent States over which she exercises merely a nominal suzerainty, so far at least as their internal government is concerned. There is continually some danger of their embroiling her in a war with her neighbours, the expenses of which falls solely upon her; and for this protection, what return do they make her? They relieve her of her surplus population to some extent, it is true; but the people that England wishes to dispense with are the ones that the colonists do not at all care to receive, and as a certain amount of emigration is bound to go on from districts where the population is congested, it is questionable whether the flow of emigration would experience any check if they were totally independent of England. Commercially they offer her no advantage, imposing as they do prohibitory tariffs against her exports, whilst all their products are received by her duty free. They would be equally valuable as fields for the investment of capital were the last link that binds them to England severed, as they are now. Why then need we hesitate to grant in name what they have in reality, "colonial independence," and save the expense of their defence, for which we receive nothing in return? To this suggestion, however, we trust the patriotic Englishman will never lend an ear. Manifestly disadvantageous as are at present the relations existing between England and her colonies, such a course would be infinitely worse. It would be nothing short of political suicide, for the moment wherein such an act is consummated will be the death-blow to her greatness. For what is England without her colonies? Has she been for so long striving to obtain them, has she been for so long pouring forth her blood and treasure to

secure, retain, and defend them, in order that she may at last create them into independent kingdoms which will one day overshadow and dwarf her into insignificance? No, surely not. True it is that the present state of things cannot long continue; but is colonial independence the alternative? We believe not. There is another course open for our consideration, which, although not absolutely perfect, is, we believe, preferable to either. This course, after glancing briefly at a colonial view of the empire as at present constituted, we will proceed to consider.

If the old-country man is dissatisfied with the state of things at present existing, the colonist is almost equally so.

While it is true that the colonies, and we are now speaking more especially of the colonies as distinguished from the dependencies, have all the self-government one would imagine they required, they are not exactly happy. As a Canadian, we will look at the question from a Canadian point of view.

Since the confederation of the British North American colonies nineteen years ago, a "national" spirit has been manifesting itself, and is each year on the increase. The Canadians glory in the fact that they are British subjects; but it is pointed out that at the same time they have not all the rights and privileges of British citizens. Though they have extensive self-governing powers, they have not a voice in the making of their treaties. However just their cause might be, they have no means of declaring war, neither can they prevent a war by which their country might be overrun and desolated. It is true at the same time that they are not put to the expense of a standing army, and that the moral protection of England has averted for them much trouble that otherwise might have befallen them. But it must also be remembered that whenever any trouble has occurred between England and the United States, Canada has always been the battle-ground, and should any matter occur in the future between these two powers which would necessitate recourse to arms, it would be Canada again that would bear the brunt of the battle.

This "national spirit" that is springing up is nothing but natural. It is her national spirit that has made England what she is, and it would be strange indeed had her colonial children become so degenerate that they did not inherit this from her