the one hand I should appear lukewarm in an undertaking, in which, if it was practicable, I should most earnestly wish to distinguish myself, and on the other, lest I should encourage too sanguine hopes, where I must acknowledge I see no probability of success. The temptations have hitherto proved so irresistible, that since we have held extensive possessions in India, I believe there are but few instances of Europeans having acquired an influence at the courts of the native princes, without converting it to the most interested purposes; and the natives, with a strong propensity to intrigue, are so little capable of distinguishing the real objects of Government, and the different gradations of rank amongst us, that if preceptors were recommended by the Governor-General to sovereigns or principal zemindars, they would infallibly consider them as people of great importance, and endeavour by the most alluring offers, to engage their support against the influence or power of the Company's Residents or Collectors, in the districts to which they might be appointed. It is likewise urged as an objection to teaching the natives English, that it would weaken the necessity which the Company's servants now feel, of instructing themselves in the languages of the country, by which means, unless we could suppose it possible to make English the universal language throughout our extensive territories, the collectors of revenue, judges, and officers of Government, stationed in the distant provinces, would be in the hands, and at the mercy, of the few individuals who could interpret for them. The pride and bigotry of the Mussulmen, and the dreadful consequences to themselves and their families for ever attending the loss of caste to the Hindoos, must in my opinion prove insuperable bars to any material progress in the propagation of the Christian religion. The success of the Portuguese Missionaries on the Malabar coast, does not hold out any very encouraging prospect to us, as their converts are the poorest and most contemptible wretches in India. It is likewise a matter for serious consideration, how far the imprudence or intemperate zeal of one teacher might endanger a Government, which owes its principal support to a native army composed of men of high caste, whose fidelity and affections we have hitherto secured, by an unremitted attention not to offend their religious scruples and superstitions. I have, &c., CORNWALLIS. CHAPTER XI. Lord Cornwallis intends to return to England - Alliances with Native PrincesRevision of Military Establishments-General tranquillity of Hindustan Gloomy aspect of affairs in England - The King's illness-The Regency Bill Sweeping changes expected from the Regency - The King's recovery Congratulations of Indian Princes - Lord Cornwallis's opinion of Sir John Macpherson-Movements of Tippoo Sultaun. No striking event occurred during this year, as the tranquillity of Hindustan was undisturbed. Lord Cornwallis was therefore able to direct his whole attention to the internal affairs of the country. Convinced that this tranquillity would be permanent, he announced his determination to return to England in January, 1791; but urged the necessity of appointing a proper successor, without which he expressed his conviction, that all his labours would prove to have been totally wasted. Much correspondence passed both about investments for the home market, and about the supply of articles from India for the Canton market. As these subjects are connected solely with the affairs of the East India Company as merchants-a character which it no longer possesses-nearly all the papers bearing on this question have been omitted. The reluctance which Lord Cornwallis felt to enter into alliances with native princes, arose more from the prohibition contained in the 24 Geo. III. than from any belief on his part that they would, if prudently made, be injurious to British interests. Mr. Dundas seems to have considered that Lord Cornwallis had perhaps interpreted the Act somewhat too strictly, and he was not unwilling to encourage more intimate relations than had hitherto been considered advisable. The aggression of Tippoo on the last day of the year rendered all speculations unnecessary, and compelled the Company to enter into various close alliances. But this belongs to the ensuing year. As all the suggestions made by Lord Cornwallis, in regard to the revision of the military establishments, were adopted, the progress in those arrangements, though slow, was highly satisfactory to him; but he was not so successful in his attempts to put an entire stop to the system of receiving presents from native princes. The value of these presents was reduced to an amount which could hardly be considered as sufficient for a bribe; and many of the Residents, of whose uprightness and honour no doubt could be entertained, assured Lord Cornwallis that the refusal of all gifts was so at variance with the habits of the country, that it would be considered offensive by the Sovereigns who tendered them. By the regulations now in force, all presents, except those of very trifling value, are deposited in the Treasury of the Company, by whom gifts of corresponding amount are provided in return. The acquisition of Cuttack in exchange for Salsette was still kept in view, but with slight hope of success; nor was Lord Cornwallis very eager on the subject, as he was little anxious to augment the extent of British territories. This question, and a dispute between the Vizier and Sindia, were almost the only two points which, in the course of this year, gave rise to any interference with native princes. A settlement of the province of Bahar was also nearly completed-much, as Lord Cornwallis states, to the satisfaction of the Zemindars. He further prevailed on the Raja, or rather the Zemindar of Benares (for he had really no higher rank), to consent to many most important changes, both in the management of that territory and in the duties levied therein. In fact, as Lord Cornwallis says in a letter dated December 7, "everything appeared to be in as good a train as the most sanguine persons in England could expect; and I see no danger for this country so long as they can find proper Governors, and Ministers like the present, who will not impose jobs upon them." But a cloud burst at the very close of the year, though Lord Cornwallis was not aware of the storm till the following January. The aspect of affairs in England had at one time borne a very gloomy appearance. The illness of the King in the autumn of 1788 led to a Regency Bill, the discussions on which are too well known to require any notice here. Lord Cornwallis, indeed, had little time for anxiety on the subject; for the news of the King's recovery reached him very shortly after he had heard of his illness. There exists a large mass of letters written to him during that period, some from his personal and political friends, detailing the events as they occurred, others from partizans of the Prince of Wales, excusing the votes they had given. Some of the most interesting have been selected for publication, occasionally omitting names, or suppressing passages which reflect in no measured terms on the Sept. 14, 1781, though then a minor; d. Sept. 12, 1795. 1 Maheput Narryan, nephew of Cheyt Sing; elevated to that position by the English characters and conduct of individuals, and impute motives on no better foundation, it is to be hoped, than the reports of the day or the violence of party feeling. EARL CORNWALLIS TO VISCOUNT BROME.. MY DEAREST CHARLES, Calcutta, Jan. 11, 1789. Although when I wrote last I could hardly flatter myself with hearing from you by this time, yet I cannot help lamenting that my last accounts of you were dated nine months ago, and that I had the mortification to find by them that you were still an invalid. It is in vain however to dwell upon grievances that we cannot remedy, let us look forward to that happy day when we shall meet, and when, if I find you well, I am sure I shall find you in every respect just what my fondest heart could wish. I can send you no news from hence that can either amuse or interest you, my life at Calcutta is perfect clockwork; I get on horseback just as the dawn of day begins to appear, ride on the same road and the same distance, pass the whole forenoon after my return from riding, in doing business, and almost exactly the same portion of time every day at table, drive out in a phaeton a little before sunset, then write, or read over letters or papers of business for two hours, sit down at nine with two or three Officers of my family to some fruit and a biscuit, and go to bed soon after the clock strikes ten. I don't think the greatest sap at Eton can lead a duller life than this. Give my best compliments to Mr. Hayes, and be assured that I am and ever shall be Your most truly affectionate Father, CORNWALLIS. H. R. H. THE DUKE OF YORK TO EARL CORNWALLIS. MY DEAR LORD, [Received Jan. 1789.] London, July 26, 1788. It is with the greatest pleasure that I take the opportunity of the 'Swallow' Packet to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship's two last very obliging Letters, by which I am rejoiced to see that You are pleased with the present situation of affairs in India. As for the account which You give of the State of the European Troops in the Service of the Company, it grieves me, though it does not in the least astonish me, as It is totally impossible that they can be otherwise than the riffraff of London Streets got together VOL. I. 2 D by the Crimps, and the Gleanings of the different Gaols. The Officers are in general, young men, who have ruined themselves, and are obliged to fly their Country, or very low people who are sent out to make their fortunes, and who will therefore stick at nothing in order to gain money. I have no doubt however, that through Your Lordship's Good management and prudence, You will be able, in time, to make great alterations for the better even in this, though I must confess that the only real way of getting rid of all this inconvenience at once, would be to destroy the Company's troops, and have nothing but King's troops, indeed it is quite ridiculous, that there should be two compleatly different services, in a Country which acknowledges the same Sovereign, and that a Company of Merchants should have been to all intents and purposes for so many years, the Kings of so immense a tract of Country. I have no doubt that Your Lordship will not regret the reduction of the four troops of Horse Guards, and Horse Grenadiers as they were the most useless and the most unmilitary Troops that ever were seen. I confess that I was a little sorry for the Horse Grenadiers because they were to a degree Soldiers, but the Horse Guards were nothing but a collection of London Tradespeople. If the two new Regiments keep exactly to the Standard which they have settled they will be the finest bodies of men that ever were seen, the tallest not to exceed six foot one the shortest five feet eleven. As for publick news Your Lordship will already have heard of the great Amity which has subsisted between us our Court and the new King of Prussia ever since His accession to the Crown and which has within these few days been strengthened by the signing of a defensive treaty including Holland, So that the first Stone is laid for the Great Northern Alliance, which We have so often talked of with Ewart, during the time we were at Berlin together. As for the Emperor, He has managed His affairs so well, that He has drawn Himself into a War with the Turks, where till now He has been worsted in almost every attempt which He has made. The Empress of Russia is if possible in a worse Situation as She has besides the war with the Turks, two other horrible enemies to contend with, which are the Plague and Famine, which by all accounts have reduced Her forces so low that instead of Sending a Corps of forty thousand men to join the Austrian forces in order to besiege Choczim, only Six-and-twenty thousand arrived in a serviceable 1 Choczim was taken by the Prince of Coburg, July 20, 1788. |