For, if many Powers ftand in awe of her, it is poffible thofe very Powers may, in turn, be her enemies; when the is every-where obliged to cover her barrier with fortified towns, keep a vaft ftanding army on foot, and difburfe confiderable fums annually in fubfidies to foreign Princes. On the contrary, Britain and Ireland, by being iflands, are under no neceffity to purchase the good-will of their neighbours, or be at the expence of fortifications, or fubject themselves to the tyranny of a military force: The fea fecures them from fudden irruptions, and their fleets able to protect them from the more deliberate projects of their most potent enemies, strike a terror wherever they can fail, and may almost command what juftice, and inflict what vengeance they pleafe. The fleets of France, on the other hand, are neither equal to ours in number or Arength, nor on an establishment fo natural or durable as ours. In the first place, our fhip-timber is the beft in the world, and, though the quantity of it is diminished, it is far, very far from being exhausted: On the other hand, France is poor in this particular; most of her fhips being purchased of other nations, and confequently, were fhe, by fome inftant blow, to be deprived of her prefent navy, the lofs would be almoft irreparable. Again, he has but little iron, and less of every other kind of naval ftores; whereas we abound in all; our plantations fupplying largely whatever we ཤ་ are defective in at home: From whence it is manifeft that, at fea, we are every way her fuperior. Having allowed France to be more powerful on the continent, than it is poffible or even neceffary for us to be; and proved that we have as much the advantage by fea; let us next make a comparison of the wealth and trade of the two nations. And, firft, as to the fimple produce of the foil, in which, it must be obferved, that we have greatly the advantage: That of France, through the drynefs of the air, the heats in fummer, want of manure, and overtilling, is, generally fpeaking, poor, and half exhaufted: Nay, in many places, great tracts, formerly cultivated, lie, at prefent, wholly waste and neglected. Whereas the foil of thefe iftands is, for the most part, rich, fruitful, and excellently well improved: The art of husbandry being no where better understood, or followed with more induftry. It is, therefore, not at all furprising that France, even in the most favourable feasons, should but just be able to feed its own inhabitants; or that Britain fhould fo abound in grain of all forts, that, wers our exportations a little better regulated, we might be able both to fupply our neigh. bours, and yet never run any rifque of being in want ourselves; notwithstanding the valt quantities confumed in our brewery, diftillery, &c. Under this article, we may likewife add, that our northern colonies are an almost inexhaustible granary; furnishing, befide their own confumption, infinite quantities to the Leeward iflands, New Spain, Portugal, &c. to the great profit both of planter and merchant: Again, France is as deficient in paftusage, as in tillage; and, though it is notorious that they eat but very little flesh, they are forced to eke out that little with fupplies from their neighbours; with the addition of butter and cheese, in great abundance, into the bargain. Whereas we, on the other hand, though the most noted flesh-eaters on this fide the globe, not only ftock our own markets, and victual our own fleets, &c. but have a furplus, especially in Ireland, large enough to supply other nations. Our fleeces, hides, and tallow are, likewife, more valuable than any other; our horfes are the most serviceable in Europe; France herfelf being fupplied with great numbers from hence. Our timber, especially our oak, admits of no comparison; our cyder and perry are articles that the French cannot come near us in: Woad, a dying drug, we have in great abundance, but the French little or none. But, as to hemp and flax, it is hard to fay, which of the kingdoms. has the advantage. The vine France may glory in without a rival; infomuch, that it would not be amifs, if, inftead of the flower de luces, fhe was to give three bunches of grapes for her coat of arms. With regard to mines, the fubterranean wealth of a country, we have not only the fuperiority of France, but of moft countries in Europe. Our tin has been famed thro' all ages, our lead is likewife an article of vaft importance; we make great quantities of iron, we have very confiderable allumworks: Our copper is inferior to none but that of Sweden, and, as to our coal, it is of more confequence, than all the gold, filver, and diamonds of Mexico, Peru, and Brazil. With respect to manufactures, we have to the full as many advantages, on the comparifon, as from the foil. For, in the firft place, we have neither fo many foldiers nor priests, confequently not fo many idle people as they. And, fecondly, we have almoft all the principal materials for the em ployment of industry within ourselves. Our wool enables us, if we pleafe, to fupply the better half of the world with cloathing, al moft In In moft on our own terms; and, till lately, we have enjoyed that traffic without a rival. In narrow cloths, kerfeys, ferges, baize, ftuffs, &c. &c. we are ftill mafters. hard ware, glafs, cabinet, watch, and clock work, and bijouterie, we are the envy and admiration of all the reft of the world. dreffing of skins, tanning, &c. we are equally excellent. In what is called Manchefter ware; in the making of hats, fhoes, and stockings; in painting, printing, and ftaining of linens; in a word, in whatever contributes to the eafe, convenience, and luxury of life, except cambrics and gold and filver ftuffs, all the nations round us will acknowledge we have neither fuperior nor equal. We now come to our foreign trade; and here we could with this comparison had been undertaken before the French had fwallowed up the trade to the Levant, and made fuch a progrefs in their fettlements in the East and West Indies, the coast of Africa, &c. however, it may ftill be fafely averred, that, our vast intercourse with our own plantations confidered, we have ftill the advantage in almost every branch; and, how foon this might be put beyond contro On Credulity, Impoftors, and T is a true, but melancholy obfervation, that our country, of late, is not fo populous as it was, especially as to the male fpecies. This is partly owing to the neceffary confumption of the army, and partly to the fatal increase of luxury, quackery, and empiricism. As this is the real cafe, all prudent methods ought to be purfued, to prevent any farther depredations of the human fpecies. Indeed, if we were to give credit to the romantic tale of quacks and empirics, the country would foon be overstocked with inhabitants, and all fickness and disease would fly from the divine skill of these healing magicians. Bot fo far as thefe Charlatans from making good their pretenfions, that they certainly tend to depopulate any nation, where they long refide. Any patient who takes a Itrong medicine, or drug, at random, muft always ftand a bad chance; and it is certain most of the illiterate unlicensed tribe deal in rough and violent preparations: So that a perfon had better stand the chance of open war, than the fecret and dangerous operations of these filent engines of death. Many an honeft man has efcaped the fword abroad, to die by steel at home; and, after he has flood the hot of balls, bombs, and bullets, has been facrificed at last by fome infernal bolus, like a hand granade, or a wolley of pills. verfy, let the following facts declare :-We have, in the firft place, a four-times greater extent of fea-coaft, than the French, and are more commodiously fituated for naviga tion; our ports are numerous and good thofe of France few, and yet fewer fafe and convenient. We have all the nerves of commerce within ourselves; we have fuch wool, as would alone, if duly preferved, engrofs the wealth of the world. We have inestimable fisheries on our own coafts; we have others on the banks of Newfoundland, &c. We abound, or might, with provifions of all forts. Our people are numerous, ingenious, and induftrious. We have long had firm footing upon, and established correfpondencies with, all the maritime provinces of the globe. Our fhips and feamen are, in a manner, innumerable; our plantations are, alone, fufficient to preserve us a rich, happy, and flourishing people; and the annual revenues of our government are both large enough to keep all thefe wheels in motion, and re-establish our trade, credit, and importance, not only against France, but even against all Europe befides. the Abuse of PHYSIC. Some fell by laudanum, and fome by steel, And death in ambush lay in every pill. So that it is fafer of the two to be exposed to the fire of an open redoubt, than to these invifible masked batteries, or to the fecret and random attacks of one of these irregu lar pandour practitioners. In the former cafe, being intrenched up to the chin will often fave you; but this avails nothing here, while the mouth is open, and ready at all adventures to swallow the gilded poison. It is an undeniable truth, or axiom in politics, that the health, vigour, and profperity of any kingdom, depend on the num bers of its induftrious inhabitants. Labour is the true fource of wealth, the parent of riches, and the goddess of plenty. It is a golden mine, richer than those of Golconda or Peru. The peafant fupports the Prince, the manufacturer enriches the bank, and fills the exchequer: Every furrowed field, and fmiling crop, is a jewel in the crown, and diamond in the fceptre. The wife Romans were very fenfible of the benefits of a well-peopled commonwealth. Every father of three children was exempted from taxes, and intitled to peculiar privileges and immunities, called the Jos trium liberorum. With this view they banished all quacks, and empirical preten ders ders from their growing ftate; and for 300 years there were none of thefe phyfical Enthufiafts any where to be met with: So that the people multiplied exceedingly, when thofe who pretended to keep them alive, by expelling all difeafes, were expelled themfelves. It was for this reafon that our Legiflature wifely enacted a law, to difcountenance and exterminate this race of chemical impoftors, viz. That whoever, not qualified, or authorised for practice, fhall undertake a cure, and the patient shall die under his hands, the person so presuming fhall be arraigned at the bar as a felon. This law is ftill in full force. So tender were our forefathers of the lives of his Majesty's fubjects. But fome of our modern Senators have been far otherwife infpired; who ordered a large premium for a wonderful fecret to diffolve the ftone, a medicine which will for ever remain a fecret, and which never did or can have that effect, without tearing the constitution in pieces * before it arrives at the morbific or petrified feat; unlefs it has a fecret commiffion to pass through ten thousand tender tubes, with out moleftation, till it reaches the part affected, like an Admiral, who is not to fight or open his commiffion, till he arrives at a certain latitude. Such a medicine muft have the fagacity of a true blood-hound, who is faid to run on the fcent through all the paths of the foreft, or the streets and alleys of a town, till he fixes on the murderer's dwelling. But, as time and experience try all things, this medicine is now almost exploded, or only ufed as a good common diuretic. It has had its run, and its day, and is now gone to rest with its anceftors, the divine panaceas, and angelic elixirs of old. But, in fpite of all these boasted fpecifics, the gout, the ftone, &c. ftill continue to rage and torment the unhappy fufferer. After all, good fenfe and learning are the only fpecifics, and experience and judgment the trueft panaceas. Thefe lights of truth fhall ftill fhine on, when thofe meteors fhall vanish, when catholicons fhall cease, when even tar-water fhall vanifh, and the immortal pill and drop fhall be buried in filence and oblivion. Si populus vult decipi, &c. * As it must be of a corrofive cauftic quality. The Memoirs of the Life of ROBERT CARY, Baron of Leppington, and Earl of Monmouth, from Page 92 of this Volume, finished. they had faid to mee, but bade me comfort myfelfe, for hee would go presently to the Queene, and tell her of my coming up. Away he went, and the prefently fent him backe for mee, and received mee with more grace and favour than ever he had done before; and, after I had been with her a pretty while, he was called for to go to her fports. I tooke her by the arme, and lead her to her standing. My brother and Mr. Secretary, feeing this, thought it more than a miracle. She continued her favour to mee; for he tooke order I fhould have 500l. out of the Exchequer, and thus was I preferved by a pretty jeaft, when wife men thought I had wrought my own wracke. Not long after my father dyed, and I did often follicit Mr. Secretary for fome allowance to fupport me in my place, but could get no direct answer. I sued for leave to come up myselfe, but could get none. The March was very quiet, and all things in good order, and I adventured without leave to come up. The Queene lay at Theobalds, and early in a morning I came thither. I first went to Mr. Secretary, who counfailed me to retourn, and would by no means let the Queene know that I was there. When I could do no good with him, I went to my brother, who then was Chamberlaine, and found him far worse than the other. I was much troubled, and knew not well what to do. The Queene went that day to dinner Before my retourne, the Queene was to Enfield-house, and had toiles fet up in pleafed to renew my grant of Norham, with the parke to fhoot at buckes, after dinner. the life of both my fonnes, and the longer I durft not be feene by her, these two Coun- liver of us. I was not long fettled in my faillers had fo terrified mee. But after din office, but there fell out a new occafion to ner I went to Enfield, and walking in a remove mee; which was, my Lord (1) very private place, exceeding melancholy, it Willoughby's being made Gouvernour of pleafed God to fend Mr. William Killi- Berwicke, and the Eaft March properly begrew, one of the Privy Chamber, to pafs longing to the Governour there. Hee came by where I was walking, who faluted and down with full commiffion for both places, bade mee welcome. I anfwered him very and I, refigning to him my office of the kindly, and he, perceiving me very fad, Eaft March, came to Court, and had conafked mee, why I was io? I told him the ferred on mee the Wardenrie of the Middle reafon. Hee made little reckoning of what March, in the room of my Lord Euers, (1) Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby of Erefby, a military Nobleman of a very bright character. who who made fuite himselfe to leave his place, I ufed the best words I could to perfuade her from this melancholy humour; but I found by her it was too deep rooted in her heart, and hardly to be removed. This was upon a Saturday night, and fhe gave command that the great clofet should be prepared for her to go to chappell the next morning. The next day, all things being in readinesse, wee long expected her coming. After eleven o'clock, one of the Groomes of the Chambers came out and bade make ready for the private closet, as fhe would not go to the great. There wee ftay'd long for her coming, but at the laft The had cushions lay'd for her in the Privy Chamber, hard by the closet doore, and there fhe heard fervice. about her could not persuade her either to take any fuftenance or go to bed. I hearing that neither the phyfitians, nor none about her could perfuade her to take any courie for her fafety, feared her death would foone after enfue. I could not but think in what a wretched eftate I fhould be left, moft of my livelyhood depending on her life. And hereupon I bethought my. felfe with what grace and favour I was ever received by the King of Scottes, whenfoever I was fent to him. I did affure myfelfe it was neither unjust nor unhoneft for me to do for myfelfe, if God at that time should call her to his mercy. Hereupon I wrote to the King of Scottes (knowing him to be the right heire to the Crowne of England) and certified him in what ftate her Majeftie was. I defired him not to ftirr from Edenborough; if of that fickneffe the fhould die, I would be the firft man that fhould bring him newes of it. The Queene grew worfe and worse, becaufe fhe would be fo, none about her being able to perfuade her to go to bed. My Lord Admiral was fent for (who by rea fon of my fifter's death, that was his wife, had abfented himselfe fome fortnight from Court); what by faire meanes, what by force, he gatt her to bed. There was no hope of her recovery, because she refused all remedies. On Wednesday the 23d of March, fhe grew fpeechlefs. That afternoone, by fignes, the called for her Councill, and by putting her hand to her head, when the King of Scottes was named to fucceed her, they all knew hee was the man the desired should reigne after her. About fix at night he made fignes for the (3) Archbishop and her Chaplains to come to her, at which time I went in with them, and fate upon my knees full of teares to fee that heavy fight. Her Majestie lay upon her backe, with one hand in the bed, and the other without. The Bifhop kneeled downe by her, and examined her first of her faith, and fhe fo punctually answered all his feveral queftions, by lifting up her eyes, and holding up her hand, as it was a comfort to all the beholders. Then the good man told her plainly, what he was, and what he was to come to; and, though fhe had been long a great Queene here upon earth, yet fhortly fhe was to yeild an accompt of her ftewardship to the King of Kings. After this he began to pray, and all that were by did answer him. After he had continued long in prayer, till the old man's knees were weary, hee bleffed her, and meant to rife and leave her. The (3) John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury. From that day forwards fhe grew worfe and worse. She remained upon her cushions four dayes and nights at the least. All (2) In 1587. Queene Queene made a fign with her hand. My fatter Scroope, knowing her meaning, told the Bishop the Queene defired hee would pray ftil. Hee did fo for a long halfe houre after, and then thought to leave her. The fecond time he made figne to have him continue in prayer. He did fo for halfe an houre more, with earnest cryes to God for her foule's health, which he uttered with that fervency of spirit, as the Queene to all our fight much rejoiced thereat, and gave teftimony to us all of her Chriftian and comfortable end. By this time it grew late, and every one departed, all but her women that attended her. This that I heard with my eares, and did fee with my eyes, I thought it my duty to fet downe, and to affirme it for a truth, upon the faith of a Chriftian, because I know there have beene many falfe lyes re ported of the end and death of that good Lady. coaches and horfes for London. There was I left in the middeft of the Court to think my owne thoughts till they had done counfaile. I went to my (5) brother's chamber, who was in bed, having been overwatched many nights before. I gott him up with all fpeed, and, when the Councill's men were going out of the gate, my brother thrust to the gate. The porter, knowing him to be a great Officer, lett him out. I preffed after him, and was stayed by the porter. My brother faid angrily to the porter, Let him out, I will anfwer for him.' Whereupon I was fuffered to paffe, which I was not a little glad of. I gott to horfe, and rode to the Knight Marshall's lodging by Charing Croffe, and there stayed till the Lords came to Whitehall garden. I ftaide there till it was nine a'clocke in the morning, and, hearing that all the Lords were in the old orchard at Whitehall, I fent the Marfhall to tell them, that I had ftaide all that while to know their pleasures, and that I would attend them if they would command me any fervice. They were very glad when they heard I was not gone, and defired the Marfhall to fend for mee, and I fhould with all fpeed be dispatched for Scotland. The Marshall beleeved them, and sent Sir Arthur Savage for mee. I made haft to them. One of the Councill whispered the Marshall in the eare, if I came they would ftay me, and fend fome other in my tead. The Marshall gott from them, and, meeting mee, bade mee be gone, for, if I came, they would betray mee. I went to my lodging, and left word with one in the Cofferer's chamber to call mee, if that night it was thought the fhould die, and gave the porter an angell to let me in at any time when I called. Betweene one and two of the clock on Thursday morning, he that I left in the Cofferer's chamber brought mee word the Queene was (4) dead. I role and made all haft to the gate to gett in. There I was answered, I could not enter; the Lords of the Councill having been with him, and commanded him that none should go in or out, but by warrant from them. At the very inftant, one of the Council (the Comptroller) afked whether I was at the gate. I faid yes. Hee faid to mee, if I pleafed he would let me in. I defired to know how the Queene did. He answered, pretty well. I bade him good night. He replied, and faid, Sir, if you will come in, I will give you my word and credit you fhall go out againe at your owne pleasure. Upon his word I entered the gate, and came up to the Cofferer's chamber, where I found all the Ladies weeping bitterly. Hee led mee from thence to the Privy Chamber, where all the Councill was alsembled; there I was caught hold of, and affured I fhould not go for Scotland, till till their pleasures were farther knowne. I told them I came of purpose to that end. From thence they all went to the Secretaryes chamber, and, as they went, they gave a fpeciall command to the porters, that none fhould go out of the gates but such servants as they should fend to prepare their (4) She died March 24, foon after the Archbishop had left her, about three o'clock in the morning. I tooke horse, and that night rode to Doncaster. The night following I came to my owne house at Witherington, and the next day about noone came to Norham, fo that I might have been with the King at fupper time: But I gott a great fall by the way, and my horfe with one of his heels gave mee a great blow on the head, that made me shed much blood. It made me fo weake that I was forced to ride a foft pace after, fo that the King was newly gone to bed by the time that I knocked at the gate. I was quickly let in, and carried up to the King's chamber. I kneeled by him, and faluted him by his title of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland. Hee gave mee his hand to kiffe, and bade me welcome. After hee had long difcourfed of the manner of the Queen's fickneffe, and of her dea h, he asked what letters I had from the Councill? I told him, none: And ac (5) George, Lord Hunfdon, a Privy Counsellor, Captain of the Band of Penfioners, Governor of the Ife of Wight, and Knight of the Garter. |